American Politics (non-Partisan) From the Beginning to Date

Book I.—History of the Political Parties.

PAGE.

COLONIAL PARTIES—WHIG AND TORY 3

PARTICULARISTS AND STRONG GOVERNMENT WHIGS 5

FEDERALS AND ANTI-FEDERALS 6

REPUBLICANS AND FEDERALS 8

DOWNFALL OF THE FEDERALS 12

DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS 17

JEFFERSON DEMOCRATS 19

HARTFORD CONVENTION 20

TREATY OF GHENT 20

CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS 21

PROTECTIVE TARIFF 21

MONROE DOCTRINE 23

MISSOURI COMPROMISE 24

TARIFF—AMERICAN SYSTEM 25

TENURE OF OFFICE—ELIGIBILITY 27

NULLIFICATION—DEMOCRATS AND FEDERALS 29

UNITED STATES BANK 31

JACKSON’S SPECIAL MESSAGE ON THE UNITED STATES BANK 33

CONCEPTION OF SLAVERY QUESTION 35

DEMOCRATS AND WHIGS 37

THE HOUR RULE 39

NATIONAL BANK BILL—FIRST 41

„ „ „ SECOND 43

OREGON TREATY OF 1846 47

TREATY OF PEACE WITH MEXICO 49

CLAY’S COMPROMISE RESOLUTIONS 51

ABOLITION PARTY—RISE AND PROGRESS OF 53

KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL 55

RITUAL OF THE AMERICAN PARTY 57

KANSAS STRUGGLE 71

LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE 73

CHARLESTON CONVENTION—DEMOCRATIC, 1860 81

DOUGLAS CONVENTION, 1860, BALTIMORE 86

BRECKINRIDGE CONVENTION, 1860, BALTIMORE 86

CHICAGO REPUBLICAN CONVENTION, 1860 86

AMERICAN CONVENTION, 1860 87

SECESSION—PREPARING FOR 87

SECESSION—VIRGINIA CONVENTION, 1861 91

„ INTER-STATE COMMISSIONERS 96

„ SOUTHERN CONGRESS, PROCEEDINGS OF 97

„ CONFEDERATE CONSTITUTION 97

„ CONFEDERATE STATES 98

BUCHANAN’S VIEWS 99

CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE 104

PEACE CONVENTION 106

ACTUAL SECESSION 109

„ „ TRANSFERRING ARMS TO THE SOUTH 109

FERNANDO WOOD’S SECESSION MESSAGE 112

CONGRESS ON THE EVE OF THE REBELLION 113

LINCOLN’S VIEWS 115

JUDGE BLACK’S VIEWS 115

ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS’ SPEECH ON SECESSION 116

LINCOLN’S FIRST ADMINISTRATION 120

CONFEDERATE MILITARY LEGISLATION 128

GUERRILLAS 129

TWENTY-NEGRO EXEMPTION LAW 130

DOUGLAS ON THE REBELLION 130

POLITICAL LEGISLATION INCIDENT TO THE WAR 130

THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 131

COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION 135

LINCOLN’S APPEAL TO THE BORDER STATES 137

REPLY OF THE BORDER STATES 138

BORDER STATE SLAVES 139

EMANCIPATION 141

„ PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION OF 141

„ PROCLAMATION OF 143

LOYAL GOVERNORS, THE ADDRESS OF 144

FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, REPEAL OF 145

FINANCIAL LEGISLATION 149

SEWARD AS SECRETARY OF STATE 149

INTERNAL TAXES 151

CONFEDERATE DEBT 152

CONFEDERATE TAXES 153

WEST VIRGINIA—ADMISSION OF 158

COLOR IN WAR POLITICS 159

THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT—PASSAGE OF 167

LOUISIANA—ADMISSION OF REPRESENTATIVES 168

RECONSTRUCTION 169

ARKANSAS—ADMISSION OF 170

RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES—TEXT OF 171

FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT 174

MCCLELLAN’S POLITICAL LETTERS 175

LINCOLN’S SECOND ADMINISTRATION 177

ANDREW JOHNSON AND HIS POLICY 178

„ „ —IMPEACHMENT TRIAL 179

GRANT 191

ENFORCEMENT ACTS 193

READMISSION OF REBELLIOUS STATES 193

LEGAL TENDER DECISION 194

GREENBACK PARTY 194

PROHIBITORY PARTY 196

SAN DOMINGO—ANNEXATION OF 196

ALABAMA CLAIMS 197

FORCE BILL 197

CIVIL SERVICE—ORDER OF PRESIDENT HAYES 198

AMNESTY 199

LIBERAL REPUBLICANS 199

REFORM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE 200

CREDIT MOBILIER 200

SALARY GRAB 214

RETURNING BOARDS 217

GRANGERS 218

„ —ILLINOIS RAILROAD ACT OF 1873 218

CIVIL RIGHTS BILL—SUPPLEMENTARY 221

MORTON AMENDMENT 222

WHISKY RING 222

BELKNAP IMPEACHED 223

WHITE LEAGUE 223

WHEELER COMPROMISE—TEXT OF 226

ELECTION OF HAYES AND WHEELER 228

ELECTORAL COUNT 229

TITLE OF PRESIDENT HAYES 233

CIPHER DESPATCHES 234

THE HAYES ADMINISTRATION 239

NEGRO EXODUS 240

CAMPAIGN OF 1880 242

THREE PER CENT. FUNDING BILL 244

HISTORY OF THE NATIONAL LOANS 245

GARFIELD AND ARTHUR—INAUGURATION OF 253

REPUBLICAN FACTIONS 253

THE CAUCUS 256

ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD 260

ARTHUR, PRESIDENT 261

BOSS RULE 261

READJUSTERS 263

MORMONISM—SUPPRESSION OF 264

„ TEXT OF THE BILL 265

SOUTH AMERICAN QUESTION 269

STAR ROUTE SCANDAL 277

THE COMING STATES 278

CHINESE QUESTION 281

„ „ —SPEECH OF SENATOR MILLER ON 281

„ „ —REPLY OF SENATOR HOAR 285

MERCHANT MARINE 296

CURRENT POLITICS 298

POLITICAL CHANGES IN 1882, 1883, 1884 304–318

CLEVELAND’S ADMINISTRATION 321

CONTESTS OF 1885, 1886, 1887 321

THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1884, 1886, 1887, 1888 318–335

THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1888 336

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1888 337

PRESIDENT HARRISON’S MESSAGE ON THE CHILEAN TROUBLES 339

THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1892 347

Book Ii.—Political Platforms.

VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS, 1798 2003

VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS, 1798—ANSWERS OF THE STATE LEGISLATURES 2006

RESOLUTIONS OF 1798 AND 1799 2010

WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS 2014

ALL NATIONAL PLATFORMS FROM 1800 TO 1892 2021–2079

COMPARISON OF PLATFORM PLANKS ON GREAT QUESTIONS 2079–2104

Book Iii.—Great Speeches on Great Issues.

JAMES WILSON’S VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES 3003

PATRICK HENRY BEFORE VIRGINIA DELEGATES 3007

JOHN ADAMS ON THE DECLARATION 3008

PATRICK HENRY ON THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 3010

JOHN RANDOLPH AGAINST TARIFF 3013

EDWARD EVERETT ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE NORTHERN TO THE SOUTHERN REPUBLICS OF AMERICA 3018

DANIEL WEBSTER ON THE GREEK QUESTION 3019

JOHN RANDOLPH’S REPLY TO WEBSTER 3020

ROBERT Y. HAYNE AGAINST TARIFF 3021

HENRY CLAY ON HIS LAND BILL 3023

JOHN C. CALHOUN’S REPLY TO CLAY 3024

ROBT. Y. HAYNE ON SALES OF PUBLIC LAND—THE FOOTE RESOLUTION 3025

DANIEL WEBSTER’S GREAT REPLY TO HAYNE 3048

JOHN C. CALHOUN ON THE RIGHTS OF THE STATES 3080

HENRY CLAY ON THE AMERICAN PROTECTIVE SYSTEM 3086

JAMES BUCHANAN ON AN INDEPENDENT TREASURY 3095

LEWIS CASS ON THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 3096

CLEMENT L. VALLANDIGHAM ON SLAVERY 3097

HORACE GREELEY ON PROTECTION 3099

HENRY A. WISE AGAINST KNOW-NOTHINGISM 3109

KENNETH RAYNOR ON THE FUSION OF FREMONT AND FILLMORE FORCES 3112

RELIGIOUS TEST—DEBATE ON THE ARTICLE IN THE CONSTITUTION IN REGARD TO IT 3114

HENRY WINTER DAVIS ON THE AMERICAN PARTY 3115

JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS AGAINST THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 3116

ROBERT TOOMBS IN FAVOR OF SLAVERY 3117

JUDAH P. BENJAMIN ON SLAVE PROPERTY 3119

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION 3120

THEODORE PARKER AGAINST THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW AND THE RETURN OF SIMS 3121

WILLIAM H. SEWARD ON THE HIGHER LAW 3122

CHARLES SUMNER ON THE FALLIBILITY OF JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS 3123

GALUSHA A. GROW ON HIS HOMESTEAD BILL 3123

LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE—

„ „ „ DOUGLAS’S SPEECH 3126

„ „ „ LINCOLN’S REPLY 3133

„ „ „ DOUGLAS’S REJOINDER 3143

JEFFERSON DAVIS ON RETIRING FROM THE UNITED STATES SENATE 3147

HENRY WILSON ON THE GREELEY CANVASS 3149

OLIVER P. MORTON ON THE NATIONAL IDEA 3151

J. PROCTOR KNOTT ON “DULUTH” 3154

HENRY CAREY ON THE RATES OF INTEREST 3159

SIMON CAMERON ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS 3163

JOHN A. LOGAN ON SELF-GOVERNMENT 3165

JAMES G. BLAINE ON THE “FALSE ISSUE” 3171

ROSCOE CONKLING ON THE EXTRA SESSION OF 1879 3176

LINCOLN’S SPEECH AT GETTYSBURG 3186

JOHN M. BROOMALL ON CIVIL RIGHTS 3186

CHARLES A. ELDRIDGE AGAINST CIVIL RIGHTS 3189

A. K. MCCLURE ON “WHAT OF THE REPUBLIC?” 3191

ROBT. G. INGERSOLL NOMINATING BLAINE 3201

ROSCOE CONKLING NOMINATING GRANT 3202

JAMES A. GARFIELD NOMINATING SHERMAN 3203

DANIEL DOUGHERTY NOMINATING HANCOCK 3205

GEORGE GRAY NOMINATING BAYARD 3205

WILLIAM P. FRYE NOMINATING BLAINE (AT CHICAGO) 3206

SENATOR HILL’S DENUNCIATION OF MAHONE 3207

SENATOR MAHONE’S REPLY 3217

JUSTIN S. MORRILL ON THE TARIFF COMMISSION 3223

J. DON CAMERON ON REDUCTION OF REVENUE AS AFFECTING THE TARIFF 3233

THOMAS H. BENTON ON THE ELECTION OF PRESIDENTS 3237

JAMES G. BLAINE’S EULOGY ON PRESIDENT GARFIELD 3240

G. H. PENDLETON ON CIVIL SERVICE 3251

JOHN J. INGALLS AGAINST CIVIL SERVICE 3262

SAMUEL J. RANDALL ON THE TARIFF 3274

WILLIAM MCKINLEY, JR., ON THE TARIFF 3277

CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW NOMINATING HARRISON 3283

LEON ABBETT NOMINATING CLEVELAND 3285

Book Iv.—Parliamentary Practice, Etc.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 4003

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 4006

JEFFERSON’S MANUAL 4022

BOOK V.—TABULATED HISTORY AND CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS. STATISTICS OF GENERAL INFORMATION 5003–5024

CHRONOLOGICAL POLITICS 5025

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AMERICAN POLITICS.

BOOK I.. History of the Political Parties

HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

Colonial Parties—Whig and Tory.

The parties peculiar to our Colonial times hardly have a place in American politics. They divided people in sentiment simply, as they did in the mother country, but here there was little or no power to act, and were to gather results from party victories. Men were then Whigs or Tories because they had been prior to their emigration here, or because their parents had been, or because it has ever been natural to show division in individual sentiment. Political contests, however, were unknown, for none enjoyed the pleasures and profits of power; the crown made and unmade rulers. The local self-government which our forefathers enjoyed, were secured to them by their charters, and these were held to be contracts not to be changed without the consent of both parties. All of the inhabitants of the colonies claimed and were justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by the Magna Charta, and in addition to these they insisted upon the supervision of all internal interests and the power to levy and collect taxes. These claims were conceded until their growing prosperity and England’s need of additional revenues suggested schemes of indirect taxation. Against these the colony of Plymouth protested as early as 1636, and spasmodic protests from all the colonies followed. These increased in frequency and force with the growing demands of King George III. In 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the colonies required both exports and imports to be carried in British ships, and all who traded were compelled to do it with England. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were imposed, and when manufacturing sought to flank this policy, their establishment was forbidden by law.

The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 caused high excitement, and for the first time parties began to take definite shape and manifest open antagonisms, and the words Whig and Tory then had a plainer meaning in America than in England. The Stamp Act was denounced by the Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, that stamps previously paid for should be affixed to all legal papers. The colonies resented, and so general were the protests that for a time it seemed that only those who owed their livings to the Crown, or expected aid and comfort from it, remained with the Tories. The Whigs were the patriots. The war for the rights of the colonies began in 1775, and it was supported by majorities in all of the Colonial Assemblies. These majorities were as carefully organized then as now to promote a popular cause, and this in the face of adverse action on the part of the several Colonial Governors. Thus in Virginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia Assembly, when it seized the opportunity to pass resolves instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending joint action by the legislatures of the other colonies. In the next year, the same body, under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, Washington, Wythe and other patriots, officially deprecated the closing of the port of Boston, and set apart a day to implore Divine interposition in behalf of the colonies. The Governor dissolved the House for this act, and the delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into a committee, signed articles of association, and advised with other colonial committees the expediency of “appointing deputies to meet in a general correspondence”—really a suggestion for a Congress. The idea of a Congress, however, originated with Doctor Franklin the year before, and it had then been approved by town meetings in Providence, Boston and New York. The action of Virginia lifted the proposal above individual advice and the action of town meetings, and called to it the attention of all the colonial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the incipiency of these political movements, that the people were practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized the drift and danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive taxes and imposts.

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