Part 19

Commonly, we commend an action as virtuous when it does not oppose our interests, but brand it as blameworthy when it in some way threatens our position.

Thus we read, with glad appreciation, the deeds of our own warriors; but our admiration is changed into resentment when the exploits are achieved against ourselves by the heroes of other nations. When one says in Sweden, "I am not a Russian, indeed"; they say in Russia, "You behave yourself like a Swede." It needs an independent third party to give an impartial judgment. Right must be right.

If our so-called enemy is really in the right, he does not become wrong because he is called our enemy; and if we conquer and kill him, we only thereby increase a hundredfold our terrible guilt. It is in the long run a loss to both sides. Here, at any rate at least, a compromise is needed, for it is seldom the fault of one when two quarrel.

But the endeavour to get a permanent arbitration tribunal established cannot, in any way, be reasonably opposed to efforts for the welfare of one's own country. The very consciousness of the existence of such a tribunal would little by little, as a matter of course, bring about the reign of law. It would indeed be a marvellous perversion of ideas which esteemed it dishonourable to feel bound, in case of disputes with other countries, to appeal to law and justice; inasmuch as this very unwillingness to seek the path of justice must excite a serious suspicion as to the cause you maintain.

To lay hold on the sword under the influence of passion is like taking a knife when intoxicated; and it is a crying absurdity to expect people, who soberly know what they are doing, to go to homicide with a light heart. That is to say, that a good man in severe conflict as to his duty, may possibly be forced to do a bad action to escape participation in a still worse. If he forbears to kill his brother, this last will murder his father. When warriors are led out to battle, the brilliant uniform ought to be laid aside, and the troops clad in sombre mourning, which would better accord with the naked reality. When they have slain many and come back in triumph, decorated with honourable Cain-badges, they are wont in their homes to point with pride to their brothers who lie silent in their blood. They earn a character for having done something great; they are received with exultation and honourable distinctions, and praised as gods in popular story. But the whole spirit and conception is false IF Christ's teaching of love is true; and we should long since have grown out of this heathenish religion if there had not been incorporated with it so much patriotism, both true and false--the false wrapped in those high sounding words and phrases of self-love and vanity which still exercise so great a power over the easily excited spirit of the nations.

But if we set our thoughts free, confined as they are by warm devotion to our hereditary soil, and now and then venture to look out over the wide world, we shall see points of contact in the progressive effort of humanity; and it is our highest honour to be able to take an active part in this. Barriers are crumbling away one after the other. They do not go down with violence; they vanish as new ideas smooth the way for a higher conception of human dignity. Inquiry dissipates prejudice, and continually shows us new phases of the inner cohesion of the life of nations.

The inhabitants of Europe, says DRAPER, show a constantly increasing disposition towards the complete levelling of their mutual dissimilarities. Climatic and meteorological differences are more and more dissolved by artificial means and new inventions; and thence arises a similarity, not only in habits of life, but in physical conformation. Such inventions soften the influences to which men are subjected, and bring them nearer to an average type. With this greater affinity one to the other in bodily form, follows also a greater similarity in feeling, habit and thought.

Day by day, too, the economic fellowship of Europe increases. Communications by ship, railroad, post and telegraph are developed; by means of State loans, share and exchange connections, interests are knit together. Therefore we see the Bourse, the barometer of economic life, fluctuate when serious rumours of war are afloat; an evidence that common economic interests and war are at variance one with the other.

I shall not venture further, but simply indicate in closing that even the differences in language will certainly go on being gradually adjusted.

It is a remarkable fact, says the above-named investigator, that in nearly all Indo-Germanic races, family appellatives, father, mother, sister, brother, daughter, are the same. A similar agreement may be observed in the names of a great number of everyday things, such as house, door, way; but one finds that whilst these observations hold good in respect to the designation of objects of a peaceful character, many of the words which have a military signification are different in the different languages.

Here lies, perhaps, the germ of a future progressive growth which will rise higher heavenward than the tower of Babel.

I believe, for my part, that the English language, both on the ground of its cosmopolitan character and of its great expansion, is already on the path of transition into a universal common language. According to Mulhall, it has spread since 1801, 310 per cent., whilst German has increased 70, and French 36 per cent. A hundred years ago, Gladstone says, the English tongue was spoken by fifteen millions; it is now spoken by 150 millions; and according to the computation of Barham Zincke, in another hundred it will be spoken by at least 1,000 millions.

The computation is probably correct; and then not only in America, but in every part of our globe, the remembrance will be treasured of the little flock of Puritans who, ere they landed from their frail Mayflower upon the desolate rocks of a strange coast, drew up in that undeveloped language the great social law for their future, which begins with the words, "In the name of God be it enacted."

Mankind will hold them in remembrance for their faith in a high ideal, these persecuted, weary, sick, and hungry men. For it was that faith which upheld them under continued trials and sufferings, and brought them a victory guiltless of blood, but fraught with blessing to coming generations.

Even if many of us do not believe in the way those Christian heroes believed, yet we may in this materialistic age have strong confidence in the power of good, and so pronounced, that we shall gain something for our cause.

In the life of Society, however, as in external nature with all its teeming variety, we observe a subserviency to law, which may be taken as the surest pledge of the final triumph of the cause of peace.

For my part, I see herein the Divine government of the world.

And therefore my love for this idea can never be extinguished.

FOOTNOTES:

In the introduction to the address to the Riksdag the king observed, that he had, in providing for the welfare of the nation, found himself obliged to declare Sweden neutral; consequently he informed the Riksdag of the Declaration of Neutrality, respecting which the king said:--

"The system which the king intends steadily to adhere to and employ is a strict neutrality, founded upon sincerity, impartiality, and full regard to the rights of all the powers. This neutrality will entail upon the government of his Majesty of Sweden and Norway the following duties, and secure to it the following benefits: 1. To hold himself free from any participation in any contentions which directly or indirectly may be advantageous to one and injurious to another of the belligerent States....

"Such are the general principles of the neutral position, which his Majesty of Sweden and Norway designs to take in case war should break out in Europe. His Majesty feels persuaded that it will be accepted as in accordance with international law, and that the exact and impartial observance of these principles will make it possible for his Majesty to continue to sustain those connections with friendly and allied powers which his Majesty, for his people's weal, so greatly desires to preserve from every infringement."

To this communication, satisfactory answers, accepting the decision announced by his Majesty, arrived from the various Governments in the following words: ...

"His Majesty has been pleased to announce to the assembled Estates of the Realm the attainment of this result, so satisfactory for the undisturbed continuance of peaceful transactions and the uninterrupted course of trade and navigation so much the more as on account of the political relations of Sweden and Norway with foreign powers, they may be regarded as for the present amply secured. His Majesty gratefully acknowledges that the patriotism and the reliance upon the paternal designs of his Majesty which the Estates of the Realm have manifested on this occasion may be regarded as having in an important degree contributed to the attainment of the desired object. His Majesty, in expressing his sincere satisfaction, will continue to devote incessant pains to all the measures which the maintenance of neutrality may require in harmony with the principles laid down and promulgated by his Majesty. With his Majesty's royal favour and constant best wishes to the Estates of the Realm."

The address of thanks from the Riksdag to the king:--

"After the Declaration of Neutrality made by your Majesty on behalf of the united kingdoms, and in concert with the King of Denmark, had been accepted by the European powers and also the United States, it pleased your Majesty to inform the Estates of the Realm of this result, so satisfactory for the undisturbed continuance of our peaceful transactions, and for the uninterrupted course of our trade and navigation. Your Majesty has at the same time been pleased also to express your gracious appreciation of the patriotism and reliance upon your paternal designs which the Estates of the Realm have on this occasion manifested.

"The representatives of the Swedish people hold in grateful remembrance these expressions of your Majesty's high satisfaction, and beg respectfully to assure your Majesty of their deep and warm gratitude. The Fatherland is indebted to your Majesty's incessant and unremitting pains in securing the friendly relations of the united kingdoms towards foreign powers during the contests in which a great part of Europe is at present embroiled. The Estates of the Realm offer sincere homage to the resolution and wise forethought with which your Majesty, under these troublous conditions, has safeguarded the interests, the independence and power of the united kingdoms. With confidence between the king and the people, with mutual co-operation in working together to promote the true welfare of our beloved Fatherland, they will, with the blessing of the Highest, be henceforth preserved. The peace we enjoy is the dearer because it is the evidence of the fidelity with which the best interests of the country are guarded by your Majesty. Ready to follow her noble king in all vicissitudes, the Swedish nation implores the blessings of Providence upon the vigilant fatherly love whose untiring care for the people's welfare reaps its reward in this answering love.

"The Estates of the Realm, remain," etc.]