Considerations on the Present Peace, As Far As It Is Relative to the Colonies, and the African Trade

Part 1

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Italic text is denoted by underscores.

Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been placed at the end of the book.

All changes noted in the ERRATA on page 68 have been applied to the etext. The erratum for p. 21 should have said l. 34, not l. 3.

Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.

CONSIDERATIONS

ON THE

PRESENT PEACE,

As far as it is relative to the

COLONIES,

AND THE

AFRICAN TRADE.

Magna est veritas & prævalebit.

LONDON: Printed for W. BRISTOW, at the West End of St. Paul’s Church-yard. MDCCLXIII.

TO THE

BRITISH PLANTERS.

GENTLEMEN,

An uninterested desire of rendering service to the public, and not an idle whim, or vanity to appear in print, has induced the editors of the following facts to publish them. Author is a title they lay no claim to.

By their unornamented energy alone is meant to gain the reader’s attention, and to enforce the facts advanced; therefore, without further apology, they are presented to you in a plain dress, to point out some measures that were taken to mislead the legislature, whereby the African trade, in the year 1750, was put upon such a plan, as, by the event, has proved extreamly detrimental to the British colonies. On that account, the following sheets can be addressed to none so properly as to you.

We flatter ourselves it will evidently appear by the contents of the following pamphlet, that the forts on the coast of Africa, are by no means upon a proper establishment; likewise that the present method of carrying on the African trade to those parts where the forts are situated, by the very high price given for Negroes there, which occasions the profit arising to be divided between the European merchants and the African traders, but must become extreamly burthensome and disadvantageous to you, we believe every real planter will allow.

We cannot admit certain individuals to be esteemed real planters, notwithstanding they may have one or more plantations, when at the same time they are concerned as merchants in the colonies, who procure the ships from the coast of Africa to be consigned to them; of which it is conjectured (and not without foundation) many of them are part owners; for these apparent reasons, it being their interest to keep up the price of Negroes so consigned to them, as all such advance encreases their commissions. Therefore, in our humble opinion, no attention ought to be paid to any remonstrance from people so much interested, or from those merchants who reside in Europe, that are connected with them, against any proposals that may be offered for the general utility of the colonies, which has been the case; and in consequence, very detrimental measures have been pursued through the misrepresentation of such opponents.

Should such destructive measures be continued, an absolute diminution of the annual income from your estates in the colonies must inevitably ensue, whether from the want of Negroes, or your purchasing them at too high a rate. In either case, it will prevent your being able to raise as much sugar, and other plantation-product you would otherwise do, or to take off as great a quantity of the manufactures of the mother-country, as were you to have a sufficient number of Negroes at reasonable prices. Relying upon the above allegations, with those you will find in the course of the following pamphlet, the editors presume you will think it most expedient and conducive for your interests, without loss of time, to apply to the legislative power, in order that some speedy and effectual measures be taken and carried into execution for retrieving, better regulating and extending that valuable branch of the British commerce, the African trade.

The present seems the most proper time for so great a national purpose, in order to prevent the French getting the start of you, which they will exert all their power and abilities to effect; for they are now not only making great preparations to carry on that trade themselves, but they have already made several contracts with British merchants to supply them with Negroes. So intent are they to secure, by every method they can contrive, as great a number as possible of those useful people, on which the prosperity of the French colonies depend: besides, as peace is concluded, his majesty’s ministers, in whose department it is, will have leisure to examine minutely into the reasons that induced you to make such application. Therefore there cannot be a doubt from their known abilities, and willingness to promote the public good by their care of the trade and commerce of these kingdoms, but they will give their most serious attention to any proposal you may lay before them for so good a purpose, as the extending and preserving the African trade; and will be as desirous as yourselves to pursue such plan as appears to them most reasonable for promoting the general advantage of the British colonies, and consequently the mother-country. The editors will not intrude farther on your time, than to hope something will be done to secure that valuable branch of commerce to the British subjects, they being very desirous to promote the prosperity of the British colonies, and to assure you that they are with great respect,

Gentlemen,

Your most obedient, and most

Humble servants,

London, 11 April, 1763.

The EDITORS.

Part 2

Considerations on the Peace,

As far as it is relative to the

Colonies, and the African Trade.

Since the preliminary articles of peace were published by authority, we have heard many persons in coffee-houses and other places, censure and blame our negotiators, for their not having obtained better terms.

They say, that our acquisitions in North America are of little consequence: yet when these acquisitions were in possession of our enemies, they thought them of inestimable value. Can the mere alienation of any property cause so sudden a diminution of its original worth? Surely then pique or dislike to some of our peace-makers, or private interest to have the war continued, must have hurried these men beyond the bounds of reason. For if they would give themselves the least time to reflect seriously, and judge dispassionately, they would find, that by retaining our conquests in North America (which are extended beyond our most sanguine expectations) the greatest benefit and utility must arise to this the mother-country; inasmuch as we have put ourselves in such a situation not only in the north, but also in the southern parts, that it is to be hoped our inland settlers will live in a perfect state of tranquillity; and his majesty’s subjects carry on and cultivate that great branch of the British commerce, without dread of the Indians, or interruption from the subjects of any foreign nation. This good effect surely must be allowed to be of immense importance and advantage to Great Britain; and would not have been the case if we had kept the sugar colonies ceded to France, instead of part of our continental conquests.

What was the occasion of the war but the negotiators of the last peace not settling the distinct limits and boundaries of the territories we and the French were to have in North America? We rejoice those limits are now settled, and hope so effectually as to prevent future disputes.

Among the many altercations concerning the preliminary articles, and the abilities of our negotiators, it must be allowed, with respect to the commercial interest of this country, there is a noble Lord in high office, and of the cabinet, whole acknowledged capacity, great application, and long experience, at a board where he so judiciously and eminently presided, made him a most competent judge what measures were proper to be taken for the security, improvement, and extension of the trade and commerce of Great-Britain and her colonies. Therefore, we cannot doubt, but his majesty has been well and faithfully advised as to that part of our pacific negotiations; because the patriotic spirit, honour and integrity of that nobleman are universally known and approved. It is not amiss to lay down as a maxim, that in general the information of merchants is not to be depended on by the legislature, with respect to trade and commerce, for many other, besides this principal reason; to wit—A trade may be very profitable to a particular merchant, city or town, and, at the same time, be very pernicious to the general interest of the nation, is a most notorious fact. Have we not heard many falsehoods asserted, and seen many erroneous calculations laid before the public, with an interested view of obtaining such private ends, and of defeating in some very essential points the public welfare?

Whatever self-interested people may clamour to the contrary, there cannot be a doubt but his majesty and his ministers, in their negociations, have given the most serious attention to the universal good of this country, without confining their views, or partially regarding whether North America is more valuable than the Sugar Islands, because each merited their notice and care, being both of inestimable value to the mother-country, and reciprocally so to each other; and all three so essentially connected, that whatever happens to the disadvantage of the one, must in proportion affect the other. For the West India islands depend upon North America, in a great measure, for provisions, mill, and other timber; as well as for horses, cattle, and many things absolutely necessary for the use of the plantations; which are paid for in specie, sugar, rum, melasses, and other plantation-produce: moreover, the melasses being distilled into rum in North America, are of great advantage to the merchants there, in carrying on the African trade directly from thence, which enables them to make returns for those manufactures, &c. they receive from hence with greater facility. All possible care should be taken to prevent his majesty’s subjects purchasing sugar, rum, and particularly melasses, in the French islands, by prohibiting their importation into North America, by laying a higher duty upon those articles than that laid by an act, made in the sixth year of his late majesty’s reign, entitled, “An act for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his majesty’s sugar colonies, &c.” whereby such high duties were laid on all foreign sugars, rums, and melasses, to be imported into any of his majesty’s colonies in America, as, it was thought, would answer all the ends of a prohibition.

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