Part 4

From what has been stated, we conjecture it will appear, that the British forts in Africa are not upon a proper plan; if they were, the commanding officers for the committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa, would, in eleven years and upwards, have opened those roads (which have been so long stopt) that the colonies and mother-country might receive those great benefits and advantages beforementioned, by having the trade brought down to the forts without interruption, from the remotest parts of Africa, as it was in the time of the late company’s prosperity; but that has not been done, and as the British traders declined that trade many years before the French seized the opportunity of stepping in, and reaped so great advantages thereby, as to have carried to their colonies, not fewer than one hundred and fifty thousand of those useful people, from the year 1729 to the year 1739.

This induces us to think, that the British merchants forsook that trade, and made the opposition they did to the late company, to get the forts and settlements under their management, to prevent other people putting them upon a proper establishment, that might hinder the French making the encroachments they have made in time of peace (and consequently carrying to their plantations those most useful people) in order to follow their more favourite trades to Benin, Calabar, and the coast of Angola, because there they can purchase three hundred Negroes with a cargo of 3600l. value, when that number upon the Gold Coast would cost in March last 4950l.. Therefore we fear the private interest of said opposers rather gained an ascendency over them, to the great prejudice and disadvantage of the British colonies and the mother-country, and to the great emolument of the French; which we thought proper to observe at this juncture, and to hint also, that it will be more fully set forth in the description of the African trade beforementioned.

We hope to see a minister at the head of the administration in this country, devoid of faction and corruption, that no private pique or prejudice against person or party will so far influence him, as not to pay a due and impartial attention to what is laid before the legislative power, relative to that valuable branch of British commerce, the African trade.

We shall rejoice that such enquiries will not for the future be prevented by ministerial direction, as happened at a certain period, when it had cost great pains and expence to bring a matter of the utmost importance to this country to a hearing, which was frustrated, by putting a previous question in a great assembly on purpose to prevent such enquiry; notwithstanding several persons had been examined with respect to the African trade, as well as the expenditure of public money; and for no other reason, as we could learn, or can conceive, than that one of the greatest planters in the world (who at this time so worthily fills the first office in this metropolis) promoted said enquiry; which, under a wise and able minister, would have been a sufficient reason for examining minutely into an affair of such national consequence.

For what must be prejudicial to that planter’s interest, must in proportion be so to every other in the sugar colonies: and those of small property must feel the effects of being supplied with the worst sort of Negroes at exorbitant prices, more than those of affluent circumstances.

We have the honour to know that gentleman well, and are fully satisfied he was induced to exert himself in behalf of that enquiry, not from a motive of private interest, but for the general good of all those interested in, and concerned for the prosperity of the British colonies.

We therefore hope he will long live to employ his great abilities in promoting all good, and opposing all bad measures, with that zeal and spirit he hath always done, as also to prevent, to the utmost of his power, any minister (hereafter) daring to smuggle accounts into a certain assembly, although great objections had been made to them, before those objections were canvassed and cleared up; and that he will ever oppose the issuing public money intended for other services, till a satisfactory account is given, which has been the case. However, we shall not at present enlarge further upon this head, because we know an abstract of the report of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons, will soon be published, to which we beg leave to refer our readers.

When the enquiry, relative to the African trade, was under consideration before the honourable house of commons in the year 1758, Mr. Pitt, that wise, great and able statesman, who has done his king and country so many eminent and good services, was pleased to declare, that he believed the then method of carrying on the African trade wanted alteration and amendment. He also added, that when we should be so happy as to have a peace, he would be at all times ready to examine into it, and give all the assistance in his power to put it upon such a footing, that our plantations might be supplied with the best and most valuable Negroes at reasonable rates. We doubt not but he will make good his promise to lend his able assistance, and also to recommend it to the administration to begin such an enquiry, and continue it, in order to amend the present, or form such other plan, as will preserve and secure that valuable trade to the British subjects, as the only and certain means to encrease the produce of the British, and lessen that of the French colonies. For, with the islands we already possess, and those which it appears by the preliminaries are to be ours, we shall have a sufficient number to raise sugar, &c. for the consumption of all Europe, if our British planters are properly supplied with the best sort of Negroes for their cultivation.

When that gentleman has assisted in doing this further service to his country, we sincerely wish him a long series of uninterrupted health, to enjoy the fruits of an honourable and permanent peace; and that he may be held in that esteem, reverence and honour, he so justly merits from all lovers of this country.

Should such an enquiry be made, we hope some method will be found out, to examine all persons at the bar of the house of commons upon oath; for if that could be done, it would save the house a deal of trouble, and prevent their receiving false information in matters of the utmost consequence to this nation and its commerce. Because we have heard people assert at that bar, what, to our knowledge, they at the same time knew to be intirely false; which we most sincerely wish could be remedied; or at least that persons examined there, upon matters of importance, should be informed they will be examined with respect to the same matter upon oath, at the bar of the house of lords, which we presume may be done; and if done, will be attended with great and good consequences to the whole community.

We cannot omit observing; that it was industriously reported, propagated, and even urged as an argument in a great assembly, when the state of the sugar islands was under their consideration in the year 1758, that the British planters had formed a scheme for a monopoly, by agreeing only to cultivate such part of their lands as would produce but a certain quantity of sugar, in order to raise the price, and exactingly to obtain as much for a little as a great quantity; which was as true and likely to be the case, as if the farmers of Great Britain, Ireland, France, Sweden, Poland and Denmark were to enter into a combination to leave such parts of their lands uncultivated, with an unfair intent of raising the price of grain; which we believe any person will readily admit can never be brought about, although a correspondence may be easier, and in much less time carried on between the farmers of those nations, than the planters of our sugar colonies, as those of Jamaica cannot correspond with Barbadoes, or any other part of the sugar islands, sooner than by way of Great Britain or North America, which would at least be six months before they could hear from each other; that impediment alone is sufficient to shew, that people thus separated, though ever so well inclined, can never form a monopoly.

Besides, would it not be absurd, even to suppose that the farmers of Great Britain, and other nations, who inhabit corn countries, do not raise as much grain upon their farms as they possibly can procure servants at reasonable wages, and can stock them with horses, cattle, &c. at a cheap rate?

But if they are obliged to pay great wages to their servants, and extravagant prices for their stock, they can then only put in execution the cultivation of their lands by degrees, which is exactly the case of the British planters; for had they a sufficient supply of the proper sort of Negroes at reasonable rates, they would not let any of their land lie idle that was worth being cultivated.

Therefore the true reason why some lands may lie unplanted in the sugar islands is, it would greatly prejudice any planter in their circumstances, to attempt to make new plantations with those tender sort of Negroes, who have been carried to them in great numbers for several years past, and sold at the extravagant prices from 50l. to 54l. and upwards each; whereas the best sort of Negroes, at the time the late company cultivated and preserved the trade on the Gold Coast, Popo, and Whidah, so as to prevent the French carrying the best sort of Negroes to their plantations, who therefore were sold in ours at the moderate prices of 20l. to 25l. a head the highest; which was a very great encouragement to the planters to clear their lands, and cultivate new plantations, enabling them thereby greatly to improve and encrease the product of the islands, which it must be their interest to do to the very extent of their power, if their lands are situated with any sort of convenience for water, or other carriage, to convey the product of their plantation to the sea-ports, notwithstanding what was at that time advanced to the contrary, to serve particular purposes, and in order to divert the attention of the legislature from the real causes.

For whatever people may think, who are not well acquainted with the colonies, because they see some of our planters come to settle here in great opulence; that is no reason why those remaining in the colonies are all rich; for if they were, few of them would stay there: on the contrary, they are obliged to cultivate their lands with the greatest pains and industry, in order to raise as much sugar and other product as they possibly can, to pay the debts they owe: for there is not a sugar island but what is considerably indebted to Great Britain; so that whatever disadvantages the planters of our colonies labour under, they must terminate by being prejudicial to this country.

We cannot help once more observing, it is not having the most sugar islands that will be the greatest benefit and advantage to the mother-country, unless such islands can be supplied with a sufficient number of the best Negroes for their cultivation; therefore as Great Britain, France, Spain, Holland and Denmark have encreased their number, and extended their colonies to such a degree, that Africa cannot sufficiently supply them all with Negroes, including those that the Portuguese want and carry off. On that account, in our humble opinion, the contest ought to be, not who has the most islands, but who can secure the trade to those parts of Africa, where the best and greatest number of those useful people are to be procured, as the only means to promote the interest and prosperity of their colonies who may be so lucky to succeed in doing it, but will be very disadvantageous to their competitors.

From what has been before observed, we presume it will be admitted that every equitable method ought to be pursued and put in practice by Great Britain, to secure to herself as much as possible the African trade, in order to prevent the French purchasing Negroes. For the same reason we take all the measures we possibly can, to hinder the smuggling of wool, or any of our artificers and manufacturers going to France. It cannot be too much insisted on that the Negroes are of as much consequence and use for the cultivation of our colonies, as the wool is to our manufactory, for these obvious reasons; that the Negroes are the artificers, manufacturers, and labourers in the colonies; because the whole process, from clearing and preparing the ground to plant the sugar cane, and manufacturing it into sugar and rum, and the putting it on board the ships, is the work of Negroes; therefore it surely must be very prejudicial to our interest to sell any of those useful people to the French, even were they to pay gold or silver for them: there are, besides, much more cogent reasons to be given why we should exert ourselves to prevent the French, as much as we can, carrying them from Africa.

If there should at any time be more Negroes brought to the British colonies than are necessary for the cultivation there, which we have great reason to believe is seldom, or perhaps will never be the case, then such Negroes may be sold to the Spaniards or Portuguese, because they would pay gold or silver for them; and moreover, the slaves so disposed of, would be employed in the mines of America, and not in cultivating sugar and other plantation produce, as would be the consequence if the French were allowed to be the purchasers; by which means they would be effectually enabled to become our rivals in trade, as well on account of their national encouragement and advantages peculiar to them, by which they may be capacitated to sell the product of their plantations considerably cheaper than we can ours at foreign markets.

In order to remove the prejudices of many worthy and tender-minded persons against the Negro-trade, which from a delicacy natural to civilized nations, they declare to be quite contrary to all dictates of humanity, and a disgrace to the professors of the christian religion, we shall lay before them and the public a true state of the case. As there is no occasion to enlarge how essentially and absolutely necessary it is to have Negroes for the cultivation of our colonies, which is explained in the foregoing sheets; therefore we shall only beg leave to observe, by the best information that could be obtained, Africa in general is divided into little kingdoms and states, which, when at peace, the natives thereof breed slaves for sale, as our farmers do stock on their farms, and sell them as their necessity requires, which was a traffic carried on among themselves before Europeans traded thither; and when overstocked, their practice was putting to death (often with great torture) the prisoners taken in war. Those that are bred slaves, are always very desirous to be purchased by white people, as they are infinitely better used than by their black masters, who allow them but a bare subsistance, and treat them with the greatest barbarity; and were used to put several to death through custom, when they buried persons above the common rank, and oftentimes merely through wantonness, which is prevented by their having found an advantageous and lucrative market for them.

Those Negroes taken in war, or prisoners for feloniously committing crimes in despite of the laws, made by the officers commanding the European forts, such laws having been agreed to by the natives under their command and protection, also by those laws made by the kings and princes in the inland countries, are now sold, but often unwilling to go on board ships; perhaps, on account of having lived in a better situation in their own country than those who have been bred up in slavery from their infancy; therefore they often contrive to make their escape, and by speaking the language, persuade others to join and assist them to take the ship from the Europeans, of which we have had too many fatal instances, and is entirely owing to their ignorance in not knowing the place they are destined to; and also that they will be much better treated and looked after in our colonies than they ever were in their country; so that when bought by Europeans, they are in a manner rescued from a state of misery as to treatment; for in the colonies, when they are sick, they have great care taken of them, and physicians to administer proper medicines for their relief; which, on a similar occasion, their black masters would give themselves no care or concern about them.

Besides, many of them are instructed in the principles of religion, and become christians and men of property, which, from experience, we know to be true, having talked with several who had no desire to see their own country, living much more comfortably in our colonies. And we think it would be politic to send two or three Negroes on board every ship that goes to Africa, that can talk the different languages of the countries the master of such ship intends to trade to, that they might inform their countrymen how they had been treated. Such measures, we are convinced, would prevent the loss of many lives, by the Negroes being satisfied they were going where they would be better treated than in their own country; and, at the same time, to eradicate that opinion many of them have, that they are going to be fed and eaten, which, if effected, would be a means to quiet their minds, so as not to attempt rising on board of ships.

In all fluctuating societies, such as merchants trading to a country so remote and little known as Africa, many more than the majority are liable to be imposed on, even in the trade they intend to support, a misfortune owing to the want of local knowledge, and personal experience.

What chance for truth do those merchants in general stand, whose ears few other accounts reach, than the imperfect relation of some master of a ship, mariner or traditionalist, little to be credited, and less to be depended upon? As to the former (if capable) he has little time or opportunity to speculate into the trade, manners, customs, and temper of the natives, which they are seldom long enough at a place to do; and who, from motives of immediate profit, pursue measures they think most conducive to make a quick voyage, which is all they turn their minds to; yet many of them, when they arrive in Europe, will take upon themselves to give information in the most interesting matters; which, without having lived in the country for a considerable length of time, it is impossible for them to do with accuracy and any degree of truth, notwithstanding such impositions being propagated, have in general prevailed and influenced the minds of people to such a degree, that those of certain boroughs, far from having, as has been before observed, the least connection, interest, or so much as acquainted in the most minute manner with the African trade, presented their petitions to the honourable house of commons to lay open the same; though many of the said boroughs have not since sent the most trifling adventure to Africa, which at that time, and before, when the forts were under the direction of the late royal African company, the trade was much more free and open than it has been since under the management of the committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa, which we conjecture will appear from the following extract of letters, certificates and affidavits, we think it highly necessary, and even our duty, to lay before the public, thereby to shew how far they have been imposed on by false pretenders to knowledge.

Extract of a letter from on board the Fly sloop at Bristol, Alexander Graham, master, dated 16 March, 1750, to the late royal African company’s governor at Cape Coast Castle.

“I write this to acquaint you, that the French vessels sailed two days ago; I acknowledge myself obliged to you for the method you have taken to send them off, am very much obliged to you for your advice; have sent my armourer to alter some handcuffs, your permission will much oblige, &c.”

Extract of a letter from six British masters of vessels, dated on board the Polly in Annamaboa Road, 20 March, 1750. To the same.

“Your favour of yesterday we received, and thank you for the promise of assistance, in protecting the privileges of the British subjects trading to this place, too much invaded by the French, and too little protected from home, but at this time shall have no occasion to trouble you. The French ship is sailed, &c.”

Extract of a letter from Richard Haskins, master of a ship from Bristol; dated Annamaboa Road, 27 Dec. 1750. To the same.