Part 32

I conjecture that the source of all this demonology is the book attributed to Hostanes which we find mentioned in the second century of our era by Minucius Felix, St. Cyprian (supra, n. 38), etc.; cf. Wolff, op. cit., p. 138; Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 33. As a matter of fact it would be false logic to try to explain the evolution of demonology, which is above everything else religious, by the development of the philosophic theories of the Greeks (see for instance the communications of Messrs. Stock and Glover: Transactions of the Congress of {268} History of Rel., Oxford, 1908, II, pp. 164 ff.). The influence of the popular Hellenic or foreign ideas has always been preponderant here; and the Epinomis, which contains one of the oldest accounts of the theory of demons, as proved supra, n. 34, was influenced by the Semitic notions about genii, the ancestors of the djinns and the welys of Islam.

If, as we believe, the text of Porphyry really sets forth the theology of the magi, slightly modified by Platonic ideas based on popular beliefs of the Greeks and perhaps of the barbarians, we shall be able to draw interesting conclusions in regard to the mysteries of Mithra. For instance, one of the principles developed is that the gods must not be honored by the sacrifice of animated beings ([Greek: empsucha]), and that immolation of victims should be reserved for the demons. The same idea is found in Cornelius Labeo, (Aug., Civ. Dei, VIII, 13; see Arnobius, VII, 24), and possibly it was the practice of the Mithra cult. Porphyry (II, 36) speaks in this connection of rites and mysteries, but without divulging them, and it is known that in the course of its history Mazdaism passed from the bloody to the bloodless sacrifice (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 6).

40. Cf. Plutarch, De defectu orac., 10, p. 415 A:

41. Cf. Minucius Felix, 26, Sec. 11: "Hostanes daemonas prodidit terrenos vagos humanitatis inimicos." The pagan idea, that the air was peopled with evil spirits against whom man had to struggle perpetually, persisted among the Christians; cf. Ephes., ii. 2, vi. 12, see also Prudentius, Hamartigenia, 514 ff.

42. Cf. Minucius Felix, loc. cit.: "Magi non solum sciunt daemonas, sed quidquid miraculi ludunt, per daemonas faciunt," etc. Cf. Aug., Civ. Dei, X, 9 and infra, ch. VII, n. 76.

43. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 139 ff.

44. Theod. Mopsuest. ap. Photius, Bibl. 81. Cf. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 8. {269}

45. Cf. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutest. Zeitalter, 1903, pp. 483 ff.

46. Julian, Caesares, p. 336 C. The term [Greek: entolai] is the one also used in the Greek Church for the commandments of the Lord.

47. Cf. supra, p. 36.

48. The remark is from Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, II, p. 441.

49. Cf. Reinach, op. cit., , pp. 230 ff.

50. Farnell, Evolution of Religion, p. 127.

51. Mithra is sanctus (Mon. myst. Mithra, II, p. 533), like the Syrian gods; cf. supra, ch. V, n. 47.

52. Mon. myst. Mithra, I, pp. 309 ff. The eschatology of orthodox Mazdaism has been expounded recently by Soederblom, La vie future d'apres le mazdeisme, Paris, 1901.

53. Cf. supra, ch. IV, p. 100, ch. V, p. 126.

54. We have explained this theory above, p. 125. It was foreign to the religion of Zoroaster and was introduced into the mysteries of Mithra with the Chaldean astrology. Moreover, ancient mythological ideas were always mixed with this learned theology. For instance, it was an old Oriental belief that souls, being regarded as material, wore clothing (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 15, n. 5; Bousset, Archiv fuer Religionswiss., IV, 1901, p. 233, n. 2; Rev. hist. des relig., 1899, p. 243, and especially Boeklen, Die Verwandtschaft der juedisch-christlichen und der parsischen Eschatologie, Goettingen, 1902, pp. 61 ff.) Thence arose the notion prevalent to the end of paganism, that the soul in passing through the planetary spheres, took on the qualities of the stars "like successive tunics." Porphyry, De abstin., I, 31: [Greek: Apoduteon ara tous pollous hemin chitonas k. t. l.]; Macrobius, Somnium Sc., I, 11, Sec. 12: "In singulis sphaeris aetherea obvolutione vestitur"; I, 12, Sec. 13: "Luminosi corporis amicitur accessu"; Proclus, In Tim., I, 113, 8, Diehl ed.: [Greek: Periballesthai chitonas], Procl., Opera, Cousin ed., p. 222: "Exuendum autem nobis et tunicas quas descendentes induti sumus"; Kroll, De orac. Chaldaicis, p. 51, n. 2: [Greek: Psuche hessamene noun]; Julian, Or., II, p. 123, 22, (Hertlein). Cf. Wendland, Die hellenistisch-roemische Kultur, p. 168 n. 1. Compare what {270} Hippolytus, Philos., V, I, says of Isis (Ishtar?) in connection with the Naasenians. She is [Greek: heptastolos], because nature also is covered with seven ethereal garments, the seven heavens of the planets; see Ps.-Apul., Asclepius, 34 (p. 75, 2 Thomas): "Mundum sensibilem et, quae in eo sunt, omnia a superiore illo mundo quasi ex vestimento esse contecta." I have insisted upon the persistence of this idea, because it may help us to grasp the significance attributed to a detail of the Mithra ritual in connection with which Porphyry relates nothing but contradictory interpretations. The persons initiated into the seven degrees were obliged to put on different costumes. The seven degrees of initiation successively conferred upon the mystic were symbols of the seven planetary spheres, through which the soul ascended after death (Mon. myst. Mithra, I, p. 316), the garments assumed by the initiates were probably considered as emblems of those "tunics" which the soul put on when descending into the lower realms and discarded on returning to heaven.

55. Renan, Marc-Aurele, p. 579.

56. Anatole France, Le mannequin d'osier, p. 318. Cf. Reinach, op. cit. [p. 260], p. 232.

VII. ASTROLOGY AND MAGIC.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bouche-Leclercq's book L'astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899) makes it unnecessary to refer to the earlier works of Saumaise (De annis climactericis, 1648), of Seiffarth (Beitraege sur Lit. des alten Aegypten, II, 1883), etc. Most of the facts cited by us are taken from that monumental treatise, unless otherwise stated.--A large number of new texts has been published in the Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum (9 vols. ready, Brussels, 1898).--Franz Boll, Sphaera (Leipsic, 1903) is important for the history of the Greek and barbarian constellations (see Rev. archeol., 1903, I, p. 437).--De la Ville de Mirmont has furnished notes on L'astrologie en Gaule au V^e siecle (Rev. des Etudes anciennes, 1902, pp. 115 ff.; 1903, pp. 255 ff.; 1906, p. 128). Also in book form, Bordeaux, 1904. The principal results of the latest researches have been outlined to perfection by Boll, Die Erforschung der {271} antiken Astrologie (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altert., XI), 1908, pp. 104 ff.--For the bibliography of magic, cf. infra, notes, 58 ff.

1. Stephan. Byzant. (Cat. codd. astr., II, p. 235), I, 12: [Greek: Exochotate kai pases epistemes despoina]. Theophil. Edess., ibid., V, 1, p. 184: [Greek: Hoti pason timiotera technon]. Vettius Valens, VI, proem. (ibid., V, 2, p. 34, 7 = p. 241, 19, Kroll ed.): [Greek: Tis gar ouk an krinai tauten ten theorian pason prouchein kai makariotaten tunchanein].

2. Cf. Louis Havet, Revue bleue, Nov., 1905, p. 644.

3. Cf. supra, p. 146, p. 123.

4. Kroll, Aus der Gesch. der Astrol. (Neue Jahrb. fuer das klass. Altertum, VII), 1901, pp. 598 ff. Cf. Boll, Cat. codd. astr., VII, p. 130.

5. The argumentation of Posidonius, placed at the beginning of the Tetrabiblos, inspired the defense of astrology, and it has been drawn upon considerably by authors of widely different spirit and tendencies, see Boll, Studien ueber Claudius Ptolemaeus, 1894, pp. 133 ff.

6. Suetonius, Tib., 69.

7. Suetonius, Othon, 8; cf. Bouche-Leclercq, p. 556, n. 4.