CHAPTER VIII. Passing of the War Virtues

PASSING OF THE WAR VIRTUES

Of all the winged words which Tolstoy wrote during the war between Russia and Japan, perhaps none are more significant than these: “The great strife of our time is not that now taking place between the Japanese and the Russians, nor that which may blaze up between the white and the yellow races, nor that strife which is carried on by mines, bombs, and bullets, but that spiritual strife which, without ceasing, has gone on and is going on between the enlightened consciousness of mankind now awaiting for manifestation and that darkness and that burden which surrounds and oppresses mankind.” In the curious period of accommodation in which we live, it is possible for old habits and new compunctions to be equally powerful, and it is almost a matter of pride with us that we neither break with the old nor yield to the new. We call this attitude tolerance, whereas it is often mere confusion of mind. Such mental confusion is strikingly illustrated by our tendency to substitute a statement of the historic evolution of an ideal of conduct in place of the ideal itself. This almost always occurs when the ideal no longer accords with our faithful experience of life and when its implications are not justified by our latest information. In this way we spare ourselves the necessity of pressing forward to newer ideals of conduct.

We quote the convictions and achievements of the past as an excuse for ourselves when we lack the energy either to throw off old moral codes which have become burdens or to attain a morality proportionate to our present sphere of activity.

At the present moment the war spirit attempts to justify its noisy demonstrations by quoting its great achievements in the past and by drawing attention to the courageous life which it has evoked and fostered. It is, however, perhaps significant that the adherents of war are more and more justifying it by its past record and reminding us of its ancient origin. They tell us that it is interwoven with every fibre of human growth and is at the root of all that is noble and courageous in human life, that struggle is the basis of all progress, that it is now extended from individuals and tribes to nations and races.

We may admire much that is admirable in this past life of courageous warfare, while at the same time we accord it no right to dominate the present, which has traveled out of its reach into a land of new desires. We may admit that the experiences of war have equipped the men of the present with pluck and energy, but to insist upon the selfsame expression for that pluck and energy would be as stupid a mistake as if we would relegate the full-grown citizen, responding to many claims and demands upon his powers, to the school-yard fights of his boyhood, or to the college contests of his cruder youth. The little lad who stoutly defends himself on the school-ground may be worthy of much admiration, but if we find him, a dozen years later, the bullying leader of a street-gang who bases his prestige on the fact that “no one can whip him,” our admiration cools amazingly, and we say that the carrying over of those puerile instincts into manhood shows arrested development which is mainly responsible for filling our prisons.

This confusion between the contemporaneous stage of development and the historic rôle of certain qualities, is intensified by our custom of referring to social evolution as if it were a force and not a process. We assume that social ends may be obtained without the application of social energies, although we know in our hearts that the best results of civilization have come about only through human will and effort. To point to the achievement of the past as a guarantee for continuing what has since become shocking to us is stupid business; it is to forget that progress itself depends upon adaptation, upon a nice balance between continuity and change. Let us by all means acknowledge and preserve that which has been good in warfare and in the spirit of warfare; let us gather it together and incorporate it in our national fibre. Let us, however, not be guilty for a moment of shutting our eyes to that which for many centuries must have been disquieting to the moral sense, but which is gradually becoming impossible, not only because of our increasing sensibilities, but because great constructive plans and humanized interests have captured our hopes and we are finding that war is an implement too clumsy and barbaric to subserve our purpose. We have come to realize that the great task of pushing forward social justice could be enormously accelerated if primitive methods as well as primitive weapons were once for all abolished.

The past may have been involved in war and suffering in order to bring forth a new and beneficent courage, an invincible ardor for conserving and healing human life, for understanding and elaborating it. To obtain this courage is to distinguish between a social order founded upon law enforced by authority and that other social order which includes liberty of individual action and complexity of group development. The latter social order would not suppress the least germ of promise, of growth and variety, but would nurture all into a full and varied life. It is not an easy undertaking to obtain it and it cannot be carried forward without conscious and well-defined effort. The task that is really before us is first to see to it, that the old virtues bequeathed by war are not retained after they have become a social deterrent and that social progress is not checked by a certain contempt for human nature which is but the inherited result of conquest. Second, we must act upon the assumption that spontaneous and fraternal action as virile and widespread as war itself is the only method by which substitutes for the war virtues may be discovered.

It was contended in the first chapter of this book that social morality is developed through sentiment and action. In this particular age we can live the truth which has been apprehended by our contemporaries, that truth which is especially our own, only by establishing nobler and wiser social relations and by discovering social bonds better fitted to our requirements. Warfare in the past has done much to bring men together. A sense of common danger and the stirring appeal to action for a common purpose, easily open the channels of sympathy through which we partake of the life about us. But there are certainly other methods of opening those channels. A social life to be healthy must be consciously and fully adjusted to the march of social needs, and as we may easily make a mistake by forgetting that enlarged opportunities are ever demanding an enlarged morality, so we will fail in the task of substitution if we do not demand social sympathy in a larger measure and of a quality better adapted to the contemporaneous situation.

Perhaps the one point at which this undertaking is most needed is in regard to our conception of patriotism, which, although as genuine as ever before, is too much dressed in the trappings of the past and continually carries us back to its beginnings in military prowess and defence. To have been able to trace the origin and development of patriotism and then to rest content with that, and to fail to insist that it shall respond to the stimulus of a larger and more varied environment with which we are now confronted, is a confession of weakness; it exhibits lack of moral enterprise and of national vigor.

We have all seen the breakdown of village standards of morality when the conditions of a great city are encountered. To do “the good lying next at hand” may be a sufficient formula when the village idler and his needy children live but a few doors down the street, but the same dictum may be totally misleading when the villager becomes a city resident and finds his next-door neighbors prosperous and comfortable, while the poor and overburdened live many blocks away where he would never see them at all, unless he were stirred by a spirit of social enterprise to go forth and find them in the midst of their meagre living and their larger needs. The spirit of village gossip, penetrating and keen as it is, may be depended upon to bring to the notice of the kind-hearted villager all cases of suffering--that someone is needed “to sit up all night” with a sick neighbor, or that the village loafer has been drunk again and beaten his wife; but in a city divided so curiously into the regions of the well-to-do and the congested quarters of the immigrant, the conscientious person can no longer rely upon gossip. There is no intercourse, not even a scattered one, between the two, save what the daily paper brings, with its invincible propensity to report the gossip of poverty and crime, perhaps a healthier tendency than we imagine. The man who has moved from the village to the cosmopolitan city and who would continue even his former share of beneficent activity must bestir himself to keep informed as to social needs and to make new channels through which his sympathy may flow. Without some such conscious effort, his sympathy will finally become stratified along the line of his social intercourse and he will be unable really to care for any people but his “own kind.” American conceptions of patriotism have moved, so to speak, from the New England village into huge cosmopolitan cities. They find themselves bewildered by the change and have not only failed to make the adjustment, but the very effort in that direction is looked upon with deep suspicion by their old village neighbors. Unless our conception of patriotism is progressive, it cannot hope to embody the real affection and the real interest of the nation. We know full well that the patriotism of common descent is the mere patriotism of the clan--the early patriotism of the tribe--and that, while the possession of a like territory is an advance upon that first conception, both of them are unworthy to be the patriotism of a great cosmopolitan nation. We shall not have made any genuine advance until we have grown impatient of a patriotism founded upon military prowess and defence, because this really gets in the way and prevents the growth of that beneficent and progressive patriotism which we need for the understanding and healing of our current national difficulties.

To seek our patriotism in some age other than our own is to accept a code that is totally inadequate to help us through the problems which current life develops. We continue to found our patriotism upon war and to contrast conquest with nurture, militarism with industrialism, calling the latter passive and inert and the former active and aggressive, without really facing the situation as it exists. We tremble before our own convictions, and are afraid to find newer manifestations of courage and daring lest we thereby lose the virtues bequeathed to us by war. It is a pitiful acknowledgment that we have lost them already and that we shall have to give up the ways of war, if for no other reason than to preserve the finer spirit of courage and detachment which it has engendered and developed.

We come at last to the practical question as to how these substitutes for the war virtues may be found. How may we, the children of an industrial and commercial age, find the courage and sacrifice which belong to our industrialism. We may begin with August Comte’s assertion that man seeks to improve his position in two different ways, by the destruction of obstacles and by the construction of means, or, designated by their most obvious social results, if his contention is correct, by military action and by industrial action, and that the two must long continue side by side. Then we find ourselves asking what may be done to make more picturesque those lives which are spent in a monotonous and wearing toil, compared to which the camp is exciting and the barracks comfortable. How shall it be made to seem as magnificent patiently to correct the wrongs of industrialism as to do battle for the rights of the nation? This transition ought not to be so difficult in America, for to begin with, our national life in America has been largely founded upon our success in invention and engineering, in manufacturing and commerce. Our prosperity has rested upon constructive labor and material progress, both of them in striking contrast to warfare. There is an element of almost grim humor in the nation’s reverting at last to the outworn methods of battle-ships and defended harbors. We may admit that idle men need war to keep alive their courage and endurance, but we have few idle men in a nation engaged in industrialism. We constantly see subordination of sensation to sentiment in hundreds of careers which are not military; the thousands of miners in Pennsylvania doubtless endure every year more bodily pain and peril than the same number of men in European barracks.

Industrial life affords ample opportunity for endurance, discipline, and a sense of detachment, if the struggle is really put upon the highest level of industrial efficiency. But because our industrial life is not on this level, we constantly tend to drop the newer and less developed ideals for the older ones of warfare, we ignore the fact that war so readily throws back the ideals which the young are nourishing into the mold of those which the old should be outgrowing. It lures young men not to develop, but to exploit; it turns them from the courage and toil of industry to the bravery and endurance of war, and leads them to forget that civilization is the substitution of law for war. It incites their ambitions, not to irrigate, to make fertile and sanitary, the barren plain of the savage, but to fill it with military posts and tax-gatherers, to cease from pushing forward industrial action into new fields and to fall back upon military action.

We may illustrate this by the most beneficent acts of war, when the military spirit claiming to carry forward civilization invades a country for the purpose of bringing it into the zone of the civilized world. Militarism enforces law and order and insists upon obedience and discipline, assuming that it will ultimately establish righteousness and foster progress. In order to carry out this good intention, it first of all clears the decks of impedimenta, although in the process it may extinguish the most precious beginnings of self-government and the nucleus of self-help, which the wise of the native community have long been anxiously hoarding.

It is the military idea, resting content as it does with the passive results of order and discipline, which confesses a totally inadequate conception of the value and power of human life. The charge of obtaining negative results could with great candor be brought against militarism, while the strenuous task, the vigorous and difficult undertaking, involving the use of the most highly developed human powers, can be claimed for industrialism.

It is really human constructive labor which must give the newly invaded country a sense of its place in the life of the civilized world, some idea of the effective occupations which it may perform. In order to accomplish this its energy must be freed and its resources developed. Militarism undertakes to set in order, to suppress and to govern, if necessary to destroy, while industrialism undertakes to liberate latent forces, to reconcile them to new conditions, to demonstrate that their aroused activities can no longer follow caprice, but must fit into a larger order of life. To call this latter undertaking, demanding ever new powers of insight, patience, and fortitude, less difficult, less manly, less strenuous, than the first, is on the face of it absurd. It is the soldier who is inadequate to the difficult task, who strews his ways with blunders and lost opportunities, who cannot justify his vocation by the results, and who is obliged to plead guilty to a lack of rational method.

Of British government in the Empire, an Englishman has recently written, “We are obliged in practise to make a choice between good order and justice administered autocratically in accordance with British standards on the one hand, and delicate, costly, doubtful, and disorderly experiments in self-government on British lines upon the other, and we have practically everywhere decided upon the former alternative. It is, of course, less difficult.” Had our American ideals of patriotism and morality in international relations kept pace with our experience, had we followed up our wide commercial relations with an adequate ethical code, we can imagine a body of young Americans, “the flower of our youth,” as we like to say, proudly declining commercial advantages founded upon forced military occupation and informing their well-meaning government that they declined to accept openings on any such terms as these, that their ideals of patriotism and of genuine government demanded the play of their moral prowess and their constructive intelligence. Certainly in America we have a chance to employ something more active and virile, more inventive, more in line with our temperament and tradition, than the mere desire to increase commercial relations by armed occupation as other governments have done. A different conduct is required from a democracy than from the mere order-keeping, bridge-building, tax-gathering Roman, or from the conscientious Briton carrying the blessings of an established government and enlarged commerce to all quarters of the globe.

It has been the time-honored custom to attribute unjust wars to the selfish ambition of rulers who remorselessly sacrifice their subjects to satisfy their greed. But, as Lecky has recently pointed out, it remains to be seen whether or not democratic rule will diminish war. Immoderate and uncontrolled desires are at the root of most national as well as of most individual crimes, and a large number of persons may be moved by unworthy ambitions quite as easily as a few. If the electorate of a democracy accustom themselves to take the commercial view of life, to consider the extension of trade as the test of a national prosperity, it becomes comparatively easy for mere extension of commercial opportunity to assume a moral aspect and to receive the moral sanction. Unrestricted commercialism is an excellent preparation for governmental aggression. The nation which is accustomed to condone the questionable business methods of a rich man because of his success, will find no difficulty in obscuring the moral issues involved in any undertaking that is successful. It becomes easy to deny the moral basis of self-government and to substitute militarism. The soldier formerly looked down upon the merchant whom he now obeys, as he still looks down upon the laborer as a man who is engaged in a business inferior to his own, as someone who is dull and passive and ineffective. When our public education succeeds in freeing the creative energy and developing the skill which the advance of industry demands, this attitude must disappear, and a spectacle such as that recently seen in London among the idle men returned from service in South Africa, who refused to work through a contemptuous attitude towards the “slow life” of the laborer, will become impossible. We have as yet failed to uncover the relative difficulty and requisite training for the two methods of life.

It is difficult to illustrate on a national scale the substitution of the ideals of labor for those of warfare.

At the risk of being absurd, and with the certainty of pushing an illustration beyond its legitimate limits, I am venturing to typify this substitution by the one man whom the civilized world has most closely associated with military ideals, the present Emperor of Germany. We may certainly believe that the German Emperor is a conscientious man, who means to do his duty to all his subjects; that he regards himself, not only as general and chief of the army, but also as the fostering father of the humble people. Let us imagine the quite impossible thing that for ten years he does not review any troops, does not attend any parades, does not wear a uniform, nor hear the clang of the sword as he walks, but that during these ten years he lives with the peasants “who drive the painful plow,” that he constantly converses with them, and subjects himself to their alternating hopes and fears as to the result of the harvest, at best so inadequate for supplying their wants and for paying their taxes. Let us imagine that the German Emperor during these halcyon years, in addition to the companionship of the humble, reads only the folk-lore, the minor poetry and the plaintive songs in which German literature is so rich, until he comes to see each man of the field as he daily goes forth to his toil “with a soldier tied to his back,” exhausted by the double strain of his burden and his work.

Let us imagine this Emperor going through some such profound moral change as befell Count Tolstoy when he quitted his military service in the Caucasus and lived with the peasants on his estate, with this difference that, instead of feeling directly responsible for a village of humble folk, he should come to feel responsible for all the toilers of the “Fatherland” and for the international results of the German army. Let us imagine that in his self-surrender to the humblest of his people, there would gradually grow up in his subconsciousness, forces more ideal than any which had possessed him before; that his interests and thoughts would gradually shift from war and the manœuvres and extensions of the army, to the unceasing toil, the permanent patience, which lie at the bottom of all national existence; that the life of the common people, which is so infinite in its moral suggestiveness, would open up to him new moral regions, would stir new energies within him, until there would take place one of those strange alterations in personality of which hundreds of examples are recorded. Under a glow of generous indignation, magnanimity, loyalty to his people, a passion of self-surrender to his new ideals, we can imagine that the imperial temperament would waste no time in pinings and regret, but that, his energies being enlisted in an overmastering desire to free the people from the burden of the army, he would drive vigorously in the direction of his new ideals. It is impossible to imagine him “passive” under this conversion to the newer ideals of peace. He would no more be passive than St. Paul was after his conversion. He would regard the four million men in Europe shut up in barracks, fed in idleness by toiling peasants, as an actual wrong and oppression. They would all have to be freed and returned to normal life and occupation--not through the comparatively easy method of storming garrisons, in which he has had training, but through conviction on the part of rulers and people of the wrong and folly of barrack idleness and military glitter. The freeing of the Christians from the oppressions of the Turks, of the Spaniards from the Moslems, could offer no more strenuous task--always, however, with the added difficulty and complication that the change in the people must be a moral change analogous to the one which had already taken place within himself; that he must be debarred from the use of weapons, to which his earlier life had made him familiar; that his high task, while enormous in its proportion, was still most delicate in its character, and must be undertaken without the guarantee of precedent, and without any surety of success. “Smitten with the great vision of social righteousness,” as so many of his contemporaries have been, he could not permit himself to be blinded or to take refuge in glittering generalities, but, even as St. Paul arose from his vision and went on his way in a new determination never again changed, so he would have to go forth to a mission, imperial indeed in its magnitude, but “over-imperial” in the sweep of its consequences and in the difficulty of its accomplishment.

Certainly counting all the hours of the Emperor’s life spent in camp and court dominated by military pomp and ambition, he has given more than ten years to military environment and much less than ten years to the bulk of his people, and it would not be impossible to imagine such a conversion due to the reaction of environment and interest. Such a change having taken place, should we hold him royal in temper or worthy of the traditions of knight-errantry, if he were held back by commercial considerations, if he hesitated because the Krupp Company could sell no more guns and would be thrown out of business? We should say to this Emperor whom our imaginations have evoked, Were your enthusiasms genuine enough, were your insights absolutely true, you would see of how little consequence these things really are, and how easily adjusted. Let the Krupp factories, with their tremendous resources in machinery and men, proceed to manufacture dredging machines for the reclaiming of the waste land in Posen; let them make new inventions to relieve the drudgery of the peasant, agricultural implements adequate to Germany’s agricultural resources and possibilities. They will find need for all the power of invention which they can command, all the manufacturing and commercial ability which they now employ. It is part of your new vocation to adjust the industries now tributary to the standing armies and organization of warfare, to useful and beneficent occupations; to transform and readjust all their dependent industries, from the manufacturing of cannon and war-ships to that of gold braid and epaulets. It is your mission to revive and increase agriculture, industry, and commerce, by diverting all the energy which is now directed to the feeding, clothing, and arming of the idle, into the legitimate and normal channels of life.

It is certainly not more difficult to imagine such a change occurring to an entire people than in the mind and purpose of one man--in fact, such changes are going on all about us.

The advance of constructive labor and the subsidence and disappearance of destructive warfare is a genuine line of progression. One sees much of protection and something of construction in the office of war, as the Roman bridges survived throughout Europe long after the legions which built them and crossed them for new conquests had passed out of mind. Also, in the rising tide of labor there is a large admixture of warfare, of the purely militant spirit which is sometimes so dominant that it throws the entire movement into confusion and leads the laborer to renounce his birthright; but nevertheless the desire for battle is becoming constantly more restricted in area. It still sways in regions where men of untamed blood are dwelling, and among men who, because they regard themselves as a superior race, imagine that they are free from the ordinary moral restraints; but its territory constantly grows smaller and its manifestations more guarded. Doubtless war will exist for many generations among semi-savage tribes, and it will also break out in those nations which may be roused and dominated by the unrestricted commercial spirit; but the ordinary life of man will go on without it, as it becomes transmitted into a desire for normal human relationship.

It is difficult to predict at what moment the conviction that war is foolish or wasteful or unjustifiable may descend upon the earth, and it is also impossible to estimate among how many groups of people this conviction has already become established.

The Doukhobors are a religious sect in Russia whose creed emphasizes the teaching of non-resistance. A story is told of one of their young men who, because of his refusal to enter the Russian army, was brought for trial before a judge, who reasoned with him concerning the folly of his course and in return received a homily upon the teachings of Jesus. “Quite right you are,” answered the judge, “from the point of abstract virtue, but the time has not yet come to put into practise the literal sayings of Christ.” “The time may not have come for you, your Honor,” was the reply, “but the time has come for us.” Who can tell at what hour vast numbers of Russian peasants upon those Russian steppes will decide that the time has come for them to renounce warfare, even as their prototype, the mujik, Count Tolstoy, has already decided that it has come for him? Conscious as the peasants are of religious motive, they will meet a cheerful martyrdom for their convictions, as so many of the Doukhobors have done. It may, however, be easy to overestimate this changed temper because of the simple yet dramatic formulation given by Tolstoy to the non-resisting spirit. How far Tolstoy is really the mouthpiece of a great moral change going on in the life of the Russian peasant and how far he speaks merely for himself, it is, of course, impossible to state. If only a few peasants are experiencing this change, his genius has certainly done much to make their position definite. The man who assumes that a new degree of virtue is possible, thereby makes it real and tangible to those who long to possess it but lack courage. Tolstoy at least is ready to predict that in the great affairs of national disarmament, it may easily be true that the Russian peasants will take the first steps.

Their armed rebellion may easily be overcome by armed troops, but what can be done with their permanent patience, their insatiable hunger for holiness? All idealism has its prudential aspects, and, as has been pointed out by Mr. Perris, no other form of revolution is so fitted to an agricultural people as this continued outburst of passive resistance among whole communities, not in theory, but in practise. This peasant movement goes on in spite of persecution, perfectly spontaneous, self-reliant, colossal in the silent confidence and power of endurance. In this day of Maxim guns and high explosives, the old method of revolt would be impossible to an agricultural people, but the non-resistant strike against military service lies directly in line with the temperament and capacity of the Russian people. That “the government cannot put the whole population in prison, and, if it could, it would still be without material for an army, and without money for its support,” is an almost irrefutable argument. We see here, at least, the beginnings of a sentiment that shall, if sufficiently developed, make war impossible to an entire people, a conviction of sin manifesting itself throughout a nation.

Whatever may have been true of the revolutionist of the past when his spike was on a certain level of equality with the bayonet of the regular soldier, and his enthusiasm and daring could, in large measure, overcome the difference, it is certainly true now that such simple arms as a revolutionist could command, would be utterly futile against the equipment of the regular soldier. To continue the use of armed force means, under these circumstances, that we must refer the possibilities of all social and industrial advance to the consent of the owners of the Maxim guns. We must deny to the humble the possibility of the initiation of progressive movements employing revolution or, at least, we must defer all advance until the humble many can persuade the powerful few of the righteousness of their cause, and we must throw out the working class from participation in the beginnings of social revolutions. Tolstoy would make non-resistance aggressive. He would carry over into the reservoirs of moral influence all the strength which is now spent in coercion and resistance. It is an experiment which in its fullness has never been tried in human history, and it is worthy of a genius. As moral influence has ever a larger place in individual relationship and as physical force becomes daily more restricted in area, so Tolstoy would “speed up” the process in collective relationships and reset the whole of international life upon the basis of good will and intelligent understanding. It does not matter that he has entered these new moral fields through the narrow gateway of personal experience; that he sets forth his convictions with the limitations of the Russian governmental environment; that he is regarded at this moment by the Russian revolutionists as a quietist and reactionary. He has nevertheless reached down into the moral life of the humble people and formulated for them as for us the secret of their long patience and unremitting labor. Therefore, in the teachings of Tolstoy, as in the life of the peasants, coextensive with the doctrine of non-resistance, stress is laid upon productive labor. The peasant Bandereff, from whom Tolstoy claims to have learned much, has not only proclaimed himself as against war, but has written a marvelous book entitled “Bread Labor,” expressing once more the striking antithesis, the eternal contrast between war and labor, and between those who abhor the one and ever advocate the other.

War on the one hand--plain destruction, Von Moltke called it--represents the life of the garrison and the tax-gatherer, the Roman emperor and his degenerate people, living upon the fruits of their conquest. Labor, on the other hand, represents productive effort, holding carefully what has been garnered by the output of brain and muscle, guarding the harvest jealously because it is the precious bread men live by.

It is quite possible that we have committed the time-honored folly of looking for a sudden change in men’s attitude toward war, even as the poor alchemists wasted their lives in searching for a magic fluid and did nothing to discover the great laws governing chemical changes and reactions, the knowledge of which would have developed untold wealth beyond their crude dreams of transmuted gold.

The final moral reaction may at last come, accompanied by deep remorse, too tardy to reclaim all the human life which has been spent and the treasure which has been wasted, or it may come with a great sense of joy that all voluntary destruction of human life, all the deliberate wasting of the fruits of labor, have become a thing of the past, and that whatever the future contains for us, it will at least be free from war. We may at last comprehend the truth of that which Ruskin has stated so many times, that we worship the soldier, not because he goes forth to slay, but to be slain.

That this world peace movement should be arising from the humblest without the sanction and in some cases with the explicit indifference, of the church founded by the Prince of Peace, is simply another example of the strange paths of moral evolution.

To some of us it seems clear that marked manifestations of this movement are found in the immigrant quarters of American cities. The previous survey of the immigrant situation would indicate that all the peoples of the world have become part of the American tribunal, and that their sense of pity, their clamor for personal kindness, their insistence upon the right to join in our progress, can no longer be disregarded. The burdens and sorrows of men have unexpectedly become intelligent and urgent to this nation, and it is only by accepting them with some magnanimity that we can develop the larger sense of justice which is becoming world-wide and is lying in ambush, as it were, to manifest itself in governmental relations. Men of all nations are determining upon the abolition of degrading poverty, disease, and intellectual weakness, with their resulting industrial inefficiency, and are making a determined effort to conserve even the feeblest citizen to the State. To join in this determined effort is to break through national bonds and to unlock the latent fellowship between man and man. In a political campaign men will go through every possible hardship in response to certain political loyalties; in a moment of national danger men will sacrifice every personal advantage. It is but necessary to make this fellowship wider, to extend its scope without lowering its intensity. Those emotions which stir the spirit to deeds of self-surrender and to high enthusiasm, are among the world’s most precious assets. That this emotion has so often become associated with war, by no means proves that it cannot be used for other ends. There is something active and tangible in this new internationalism, although it is difficult to make it clear, and in our striving for a new word with which to express this new and important sentiment, we are driven to the rather absurd phrase of “cosmic patriotism.” Whatever it may be called, it may yet be strong enough to move masses of men out of their narrow national considerations and cautions into new reaches of human effort and affection. Religion has long ago taught that only as the individual can establish a sense of union with a power for righteousness not himself, can he experience peace; and it may be possible that the nations will be called to a similar experience.

The International Peace Conference held in Boston in 1904 was opened by a huge meeting in which men of influence and modern thought from four continents, gave reasons for their belief in the passing of war. But none was so modern, so fundamental and so trenchant, as the address which was read from the prophet Isaiah. He founded the cause of peace upon the cause of righteousness, not only as expressed in political relations, but also in industrial relations. He contended that peace could be secured only as men abstained from the gains of oppression and responded to the cause of the poor; that swords would finally be beaten into plowshares and pruning-hooks, not because men resolved to be peaceful, but because all the metal of the earth would be turned to its proper use when the poor and their children should be abundantly fed. It was as if the ancient prophet foresaw that under an enlightened industrialism peace would no longer be an absence of war, but the unfolding of world-wide processes making for the nurture of human life. He predicted the moment which has come to us now that peace is no longer an abstract dogma but has become a rising tide of moral enthusiasm slowly engulfing all pride of conquest and making war impossible.

FOOTNOTES:

Imperialism, by John A. Hobson. Page 128.

The Grand Mujik, G. H. Perris.

INDEX

Altruism, manifestations of, 17; in politics, 48.

Anglo-Saxon, temptation to govern all peoples alike, 47; distrust of experiment, 67; individualistic, 68; attitude towards self-government, 112.

Arbitration, change in attitude toward, 133; in New Zealand, 134.

Aristotle’s ideal of a city, 92.

Assimilation, limit to United States power of, 39; workingman’s attitude toward, 94, 117.

Bandereff, 234.

Bentham, 23.

Bloch, Jean de, 4.

Booth, Charles, maps of London, 86.

Bosanquet, Mrs. Bernard, 116.

Buckle, 23.

Burns, John, 125.

Charity, organization of in New York, 74; modern, democratic and constructive, 79; extension of, 84; and unskilled labor, 152.

Chicago Municipal Lodging House, 157.

Chicago Federation of Labor, 130, 131.

Chicago Stock Yards Strike, power of unions for amalgamation shown in, 96; object of, 101, 111; use of referendum vote in, 103, 108; good order of, 104; paradoxes shown by, 104; example of national appeal subordinated to union, 106; strike-breaker in, 106; Greek in, 109.

Child Labor, social waste of, 28; a national problem, 107; industrial value of, 154; responsibility of State, 156; effect of sub-divided, 158; effect of premature, 159; effect on parents, 161; effect on product, 162.

Child Labor Legislation, makes for better citizens, 73; immigrant parents and, 74; uniform, 168; leisure gained for play, 169.

Commerce, international, 115; modern representative of conquest, 116.

Comte, Augustus, 217.

Constitution of the U. S., and the immigrant, 42, 43, 72, 73.

Contempt, social results of, 51; in industrialism, 116; for immigrant, 151; for primitive arts, 202.

Cosmopolitan city, beginnings of newer ideals of peace found in, 11, 13, 18; centers of radicalism, 16; bond of union in, 17, 204; difficulties due to size of, 86, 216; subtle problems of, 206.

Cosmopolitan standard, lack of, 78.

Dante, 21.

Democratic government, causes of failure of, 47; arousing enthusiasm for, 63; result of moral effort, 75; inherited form of, 121.

Democracy, modified slowly, 37; repressive legislation in, 52; lack of civic expression for, 59; failure to apprehend, 91; effects of commercialism on, 222.

Denver Juvenile Court, 81.

Doctrinaire method, weakness of, 31; conditions settled by, 53; unattached to experience, 72; not fitted to modern patriotism, 74.

Domestic service, 51; a review of the history of, 199.

Doukhobors, situation in Canada, 67; emphasize non-resistance, 230; meet martyrdom, 231.

Education, related to industrial efficiency, 16; belief in, as social remedy, 21; of vital importance to city, 73; compulsory, 74; advanced and reform schools, 82; passion in America, 85; distinctive achievement in America, 166; for factory children, 167; less expensive than repression, 175; already democratized, 178.

Educators, recognizing industrialism, 169.

Eighteenth-century philosophy, abandonment of, required, 28; inadequacy of, 31; responsible for immigration, 40; belief in universal franchise, 42; ideal man of, 60; ideals still influence statesman, 70; retained in America, 91; formula of equality, 117; radicalism of, 121.

Employer, prone to attack new union, 129; charges against unions, 135; attitude toward business relations with unions, 138; traditions in household, 201.

England, labor laws of, 152; debasement of products of, 166.

Franchise, 38; universal panacea, 42; universal franchise, 52; beginnings of municipal, 180; military test absurd, 182; why women should have, 192.

Factory system, 163; worst evils of, 149; uneducational, 173.

Gang, almost tribal in organization, 176; political training in, 177.

German Emperor, 224.

Germany, government deals with needs of workingman, 88; police socialized in, 89; not afraid to extend municipal functions, 91; economic protection in, 122, 152; opposition to militarism in, 165.

Golden, State Reform State School, 81.

Government, newer manifestations of, 15; away from the life of the people, 35; oppressive, dependent on the sword, 36; opposition to, formerly patriotism, 42; dealing with naturalization, 42; test not current, 47; concern for the young incorporated in, 80; fear of extending functions, 84; traditional activities meagre, 87; non-interference in industry, 90; functions of, 101; patriotic citizens forced to ignore, 112.

Hague tribunal, 5.

Hebrew alliance, 74.

Heroism, new, 25, 218.

Historic method, 31, 63.

Hobhouse, L. T., 6.

Hobson, John A., 221.

Household labor, conference at Lake Placid, 198; history of, in America, 199; causes of paucity of, 200.

Hull-House, experiences, 50, 58, 77, 82, 91, 119, 143, 159, 194, 203, 204.

Humanitarianism, in immigrant quarters, 15; aggressive, 26; scientific method applied to, 28; cosmopolitan, 76; present stage of, 79, 99; its relation to labor power, 165.

Idealism, provincial aspects of, 231.

Immigrants, emotional sentiment among, 13; unusual power of association among, 14; franchise extended to, 38; philosophy in regard to, 41; exploitation of, 42, 45; evasion of immigration laws by, 47; contempt for, 49; charm and historical association among, 64, 70; ignoring past experience of, 65; beginnings of self-government among, 71; relations of politician to, 72; attempts to teach patriotism to, 75; revelation of social customs among, 79; standardizing by workmen, 93; difficulties largely industrial, 94; as wage lowering weapon, 97; standard of living for, 102, 116; claim on charitable funds, 152; present contrasted with youthful condition of, 161; early industries among, 203; historic backgrounds of, 205; manifestations of peace movement among, 235.

Immigration, decreased by industrial depression, 44; of recent years, 200.

Industrialism, 15; versus militarism, 28, 220; significance of primitive arts in relation to, 64; idealism in, 95; as basis for legislation, 121.

Industrial interests, in contemporary life, 42; and the immigrant, 71; germane to government, 122; and international peace, 113.

Industrial development, changes in, 124.

Illiterate children in the U. S., 163.

Internationalism, 23; socialism based on, 114; Mazzini’s address on, 115; active and tangible, 237.

International Peace Conference in Boston, 237.

Interparliamentary union for international arbitration, 6.

Institute of International Law, 6.

James, William, 24.

Jefferson, Thomas, 31.

Justice, the larger, 236.

Juvenile Courts, 80; Denver, 81; parental attitude of, 82.

Kant, 23.

Kelley, Mrs. Florence, 153.

Lecky, 222.

London, Charles Booth, maps of, 87; government of, 88.

Machinery and the industrial situation, 149.

Mazzini, 29, 115.

Militarism, versus industrialism, 28; police department a survival of, 55; mediaeval city founded on, 207; negative results of, 220.

Mitchell, John, 126, 146.

Morality, class, 27; group, 124, 145; antiquated codes of, 210; village standards of, 215.

Morley, John, 118.

Morris, William, 203.

Municipal government, admitted failure of, 31; full of survivals, 34; two points of rapid development in, 79; ignores interests of average citizen, 85; failure to provide playgrounds, 176; indifference of citizens to, 183; woman’s traditional activities in, 184.

Naturalization, 42; rests on laws of 1802, 43; brokerage in papers of, 46, 71; test not contemporaneous, 42.

Non-resistance, a misleading word, 8; non-resistance strike, 232; aggressive, 233.

Patriotism, belief that war engenders, 18; a newer, arising, 19; founded on sacrifice, 74; taught too formally, 75; primitive core of, 91; founded on war, 140, 217; bound in trappings of the past, 214.

Peace, dynamic versus dogmatic, 7; predicted by Isaiah, 237.

Perris, G. H., 231.

Play, a social stimulus, 171; develops self-government and discipline, 173; attitude of enlightened city government to, 178.

Politician, professional, produced by mechanical government, 52; friend of the vicious, 56; appeals to human sentiment, 59; first friend of immigrant, 72; understands people’s hopes, 79; attempts to control strike, 103.

Protective legislation, aggressive aspect of the newer humanitarianism, 28; U. S. deficient in, 152.

Reformer, contemptuous attitude of, 49; sweeping condemnations of, 57; alliance with business interests of, 61.

Revolutionary War, 36, 37.

Revolutionist, 232.

Repressive legislation, 54; human element in, 55.

Royce, Josiah, 32.

Ruskin, 235.

Russia, 68; the mir, 67; attitude toward workmen, 122; the army of, 230.

Self-government, difficulties and blunders of, 32; crux of local, 35; skepticism for ideals of, 39; must deal with unsuccessful, 62; scope of, 63; forms of democracy for, 88; immigrants’ first lesson in, 95; clearly not yet attained, 108; popular government oppressor of, 104; might profit by industrial experience, 121.

Shakespeare, 9.

Social, evolution, 211; morality in, 213.

Socialism, based on internationalism and industrialism, 114.

Socialist’s attitude to present government, 86.

St. Francis, 21.

Teamsters’ strike, war element in, 132; employers’ position as to arbitration in, 134; alliance between employers’ and unionists’ offices in, 135; inexperience of merchant employers in, 136; social results of, 141.

Tolstoy, 3, 4, 209, 225, 230, 231, 233, 234.

Tribal law, 11.

Tribal Morality, 18.

Trades unions imitate city government, 94; teach immigrants self-government, 95; power for amalgamation of, 97; attitude toward violence, 98; causes for loss of sympathy for, in Stock Yards Strike, 101; human appeal in, 102; gratitude of immigrant toward, 107; devotion to, might be turned to national life, 118; organized by Russian government, 122; contemporaneous movement difficult to judge, 125; success not sole standard of, 128; present a time of crisis for, 129; attitude toward strike, 130; social result of strike on, 144; struggle for recognition, 145; attitude toward improved machinery, 148; uncomprehending victim of, 195.

War, defence of, 26; prophecy of subsidence of, 23; moral equivalent for, 24; ideals in peace confusing, 110; phraseology of new union, 130; crime traceable to Spanish, 143; new social problems not to be settled, 206; attempts to justify by past records, 210; substitutes for virtues of, 217; contrast between labor and, 234.

Warfare, cost of, 4; customary method of settling labor disputes, 135; recognition of good in, 212; civilization substitutes law for, 219; ideals of labor substituted for those of, 224; disappearance of, 229.

Webb, Mrs. Sidney, 191.

Whitman, Walt, 45.

Wilcox, Dr. Charles F., 54.

Wilcox, Delos F., 117.

Women, duty toward municipal government, 28, 185, 208; conventions a snare to, 186; franchise only for educated, 188; effect of machinery on work of, 190; increasing employment of, 189; necessity for protection of working, 191, 196; necessity for franchise for, 191, 197; relation to clothing manufacture, 192; lack in education of, 197, 202, 206.

Verestchagin, 3, 4.

Von Moltke, 234.

BY THE SAME AUTHOR

DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS

=By JANE ADDAMS=, Hull-House, Chicago. 9 + 281 pages, 12 mo., cloth, leather back, $1.25 net. Citizen’s Library.

“Miss Addams is clear. She has not been precipitate in the preparation of her book. She has reconsidered, corrected, and recorrected it, spoken with temperance and courtesy.... As gentle, as patient, as sincere, and as astute as Jane Addams herself is the philosophy set forth in these pages.... The processes of Miss Addams’ thought are interesting to thousands. The sense that none of us is living up to the best idea of democracy is upon each of us.... Miss Addams is bound to receive a respectful hearing. As a leader who ever prays to lead aright, a sociologist who is willing to test her theories in a practical and personal way, a theorist who is not ashamed to own when she has been mistaken, a friend who will remain true to her friend no matter what may arise, and a person of leisure and power, who has the civic interest at heart, she has come to be prized as one of the chief of citizens.”--Chicago Tribune.

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The Arbiter in Council

A discussion of peace and war, in which take part, each from his own viewpoint, a lawyer “with a conscience,” a stock broker, a learned professor of history, a journalist, a retired admiral, an army officer, and two clergymen of widely differing forms of church government. The Arbiter is a veteran student of politics, a disciple of John Bright.

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6 + 567 pages, 8’vo., cloth, $2.50 net.

On many of the subjects touched upon in Miss Addams’s “The Newer Ideals of Peace” interesting material may be found in the volumes named below:--

ON CITY GOVERNMENT

The American City

By DELOS F. WILCOX, Ph. D.

“In the ‘American City’ Dr. Wilcox ... has written a book that every thoughtful citizen should read. The problems of the street, the tenement, public utilities, civic education, the three deadly vices, municipal revenue and municipal debt, with all their related and subsidiary problems, are clearly and fully considered.”--Pittsburgh Gazette.

=6 + 423 pages, 12 mo., cloth, leather back, $1.25 net.= Citizen’s Library.

ON THE LABOR PROBLEM

Labor Problems

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“A volume which has a labor-saving value for any library.... Here one finds upon each of the problems treated--woman and child labor, immigration, strikes and boycotts, labor organizations and employers’ associations, the agencies of industrial peace, profit-sharing, co-operation, industrial education, labor laws, and the material progress of the wage-earning classes--the principal facts and comments of all the chief authorities ... with helpful bibliographical lists and references to volumes and chapters.”--The Commons, Chicago.

=15 + 579 pages, cr. 8 vo., cloth, $1.60 net.=

ON INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION

Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation

By MRS. FLORENCE KELLEY.

The book has grown out of the author’s experience as Chief Inspector of Factories in Illinois from 1893 to 1897, as Secretary of the National Consumers’ League from 1899 till now, and chiefly as a resident at Hull-House, and later at the Nurses’ Settlement, New York.

“Mrs. Kelley’s primary aim is to set forth the results achieved by the agitation and education of the past decade or so in certain social directions--in the recognition of the children’s right to childhood and to instruction and to opportunity, of the adult’s right to leisure, of woman’s right to the ballot, and of the purchaser’s right to genuine honest products. Her secondary aim is to show how much remains to be achieved, and what obstacles the friends of anti-child-labor legislation, eight-hour laws, pure food and correct label laws, woman suffrage and so on, have to surmount.”--The Record-Herald, Chicago.

=Cloth, leather back, 341 pp., 12 mo., $1.25 net.= Citizen’s Library.

ON SOME CONDITIONS OF CHILD LIFE

The Bitter Cry of the Children

By JOHN SPARGO, Author of “Socialism.”

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=16 + 257 pages, 12 mo., $1.25 net.=

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=Poverty.= A Definition and an Estimate of its Extent

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A SOCIOLOGICAL SOURCE-BOOK

Readings in Descriptive and Historical Sociology

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THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Ave. New York

Transcriber’s Notes

Errors in punctuation have been fixed.

Page 12: “many nationalties” changed to “many nationalities”

Page 35: “the the hands” changed to “the hands”

Page 116: “Bernard Bosenquet” changed to “Bernard Bosanquet”

Page 123: “emanicipated serfs” changed to “emancipated serfs”

Page 173: “of the the group” changed to “of the group”

Page 174: “girls wr bars of soap” changed to “girls wrap bars of soap”

Page 192: “insanity workshops” changed to “insanitary workshops”

Page 194: “work inself” changed to “work itself”