The Naval Prize Bill
The first two letters in this section contain the criticisms of the Bill to which allusion is made in the first lines of a letter of later date, q.v. supra, p. 36. On the rejection of the Bill, see ib., note 1.
THE NAVAL PRIZE BILL
Sir--A paternal interest in the Naval Prize Bill may perhaps be thought a sufficient excuse for the few remarks which I am about to make upon it. The Bill owes its existence to a suggestion made by me, just ten years ago, while engaged in bringing up to date for the Admiralty my Manual of Naval Prise Law of 1888. It was drafted by me, after prolonged communications with Judges, Law Officers, and the Government Departments concerned, so as not only to reproduce the provisions of several "cross and cuffing" statutes dealing with the subject, but also to exhibit them in a more logical order than is always to be met with in Acts of Parliament.
The Bill was thought of sufficient importance to be mentioned on two occasions in the King's Speech, and has been several times passed, after careful consideration, by the House of Lords; but pressure of other business has hitherto impeded its passage through the House of Commons. It has now been reintroduced, this time in the Lower House, with an imposing backing of Government support; primarily, no doubt, with a view to facilitating the ratification of The Hague Convention for the establishment of an International Prize Court of Appeal. For this purpose, several pieces of new cloth have been sewn into the old garment, and I may perhaps be allowed to call attention to three or four points in which, on a first reading, the new clauses strike one as needing reconsideration.
Tactical reasons have, no doubt, operated to induce the Government to include in the Consolidation Bill the provisions for which statutory authority must be obtained before it will be possible to ratify the Convention; instead of first introducing a Bill having this sole object in view, and afterwards, should this be passed, inserting the new law in a reintroduced Consolidation Bill.
The course adopted necessitates an otherwise unnecessary preamble, and the qualification of the new Part III. by the words "in the event of an International Prize Court being established" (Clause 23). The reference, by the by, in this clause to "the said Convention" is somewhat awkward, no mention of any Convention having occurred previously, except in the preamble of the Bill. Is not also the statutory approval given by this clause, not only to the Convention of 1907 but also to "any Convention amending the same," somewhat startling, as tending to exclude Parliamentary criticism of such an amending Convention before its ratification?
By Clause 9, the members of the Judicial Committee who are to be nominated to act as the British Court of Appeal in cases of prize are to be described by the novel title of "the Supreme Prize Court." Is not the use made of the term "Supreme" in the Judicature Acts, as covering both the High Court and the Court of Appeal, already sufficiently unsatisfactory?
But the question which, of all others saute aux yeux, in reading the new Part III., is whether the Convention is to be approved as it stands, irrespectively of a general acceptance of the new Code of Prize Law contained in the Declaration of London of 1909. The objections to Art. 7 of the Contention, providing that, in the absence of rules of International Law generally recognised (and on many points of Prize Law there are no such rules), the Court is to decide in accordance with (what it may be pleased to consider) "the general principles of law and equity," are well known. The purpose of the Declaration of London (itself the subject of much difference of opinion) was to curtail this licence of decision, by providing the Court with so much ascertained Prize Law as to render action under the too-elastic phrase above quoted almost inconceivable.
Is it too much of a counsel of perfection to suggest that the debatable questions arising under the Convention of 1907 and the Declaration of 1909 should first be threshed out in discussions on a Bill dealing with those questions only; and that the decision, if any, thus arrived at should be subsequently inserted, freed from hypothesis, in the Consolidation Bill which has so long awaited the leisure of the House of Commons?
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, July 10 (1910).
THE NAVAL PRIZE BILL
Sir,--The Government has so far yielded to the representations of the Opposition as to have refrained from forcing on Friday night a division upon the Naval Prize Bill. Is it too much to hope that the Government may even now withdraw altogether a measure so ill adapted to place fairly before Parliament the question of the desirability of ratifying two documents held by a large body of competent opinion to be certain, if ratified, seriously to endanger the vital interests of the country? The Bill, as I have already pointed out, as originally drawn, was a careful consolidation of the law and procedure governing British Courts of Prize. Into this has now been incongruously thrust a set of clauses intended to give effect to a novel and highly controversial proposal for the creation of an International Prize Court. About the Declaration of London, alleged to contain a body of law which would adequately equip such a Court for the performance of its duties, not a word is said in the Bill; yet, should approval of the Bill be snatched by a purely party majority, the intention of the Government is to proceed straightway to the ratification both of the Prize Court Convention and the Declaration. Whether they intend also to endeavour to obtain the ratification, as an auxiliary Convention, of the lengthy covering commentary upon the Declaration, supplied by the committee by which the Declaration was drafted, does not yet appear. Of such a step I have already written that it "would be calamitous should a practice be introduced of attempting to cure the imperfect expression of a treaty by tacking on to it an equally authoritative reasoned commentary. The result would be obscurum per obscurius, a remedy worse than the disease."
The alternatives before Parliament on Monday next will be either, by reading the Naval Prize Bill a second time, to bring about, in the teeth of protests from those best qualified to express an independent opinion upon the subject, the immediate ratification of the Convention and the Declaration, or to ask that before, this momentous step is taken the infinitely complex and delicate questions involved should be examined and passed upon by a Commission of representative experts. Which shall it be?
Your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, July I (1911).
Cf. a letter of July 7, 1911, supra, p. 36.
NAVAL PRIZE MONEY
Sir,--The existing enactments as to prize bounty are, it seems, unsuitable to present conditions of naval warfare, and are accordingly to be varied by a bill shortly to be introduced.
May I venture to recommend that the Bill should contain merely the half-dozen clauses needed for this purpose, leaving untouched for subsequent uncontroversial passage, the Naval Prize Consolidation with Amendments Bill? This Bill, suggested and drafted by myself, in the spacious times of peace, in consultation with the Admiralty and other Government Departments, as also with the Judge of the Admiralty Division and the Law Officers (including the present Lord Chancellor), was twice mentioned in the King's Speech, and several times, after careful consideration, passed by the House of Lords, but still awaits the leisure of the Lower House. It deserved a better fate than to have been used, in 1911, as a corpus vile for facilitating the ratification of the Convention for an International Prize Court and of the Declaration of London; receiving, most fortunately, as so perverted, its coup de grâce from the Lords. It should be passed as an artistic whole, apart from any contentious matter, account having, of course, been taken of recent legislation by which it may have been, here and there, affected.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, May 23 (1918).
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Letters to "the Times" Upon War and Neutrality (1881-1920) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.