SECTION 8. _an International Prize Court_

An International Prize Court

The forecast, incidentally attempted in the following letters, of the general results likely to be arrived at by the second Peace Conference, has been justified by the event. As much may be claimed for the views maintained upon the topic with which these letters were more specifically concerned. Instead of letting loose the judges of the proposed International prize Court to "make law," in accordance with what might happen to be their notions of "the general principles of justice and equity," a serious attempt has been made to supply them with a Code of the law which they would be expected to administer.

Some account will be given at the end of this section of the movement towards the establishment of an International Court of Appeal in oases of prize.

AN INTERNATIONAL PRIZE COURT

SIR--The idea suggested by the question addressed on February 19 to the Government by Mr. A. Herbert--viz. that the appeal in prize cases should lie, not to a Court belonging to the belligerent from whose Court of first instance the appeal is brought, but to an international tribunal, has a plausible appearance of fairness, but involves many preliminary questions which must not be lost sight of.

Prize Courts are, at present, Courts of enquiry, to which a belligerent Government entrusts the duty of ascertaining whether the captures made by its officers have been properly made, according to the views of international law entertained by that Government. There exists, no doubt, among Continental jurists, a considerable body of opinion in favour of giving to Courts of Appeal, at any rate, in prize cases a wholly different character. This opinion found its expression in Arts. 100-109 of the Code des Prises maritimes, finally adopted at its Heidelberg meeting, in 1887, by the Institut de Droit International. Art. 100 runs as follows:--

"Au début de chaque guerre, chacune des parties belligérantes constitue un tribunal international d'appel en matière de prises maritimes. Chacun de ces tribunaux est composé de cinq membres, designés comme suit: L'état belligérant nommera lui-même le président et un des membres. Il désignera en outre trois états neutres, qui choisiront chacun un des trois autres membres."

In the abstract, and supposing that a tribunal perfectly satisfactory both to belligerents and neutrals could be constituted, whether antecedently or ad hoc, there might be much to be said for the proposal; subject, however, to one condition--viz. that an agreement had been previously arrived at as to the law which the Court is to apply. At the present time there exists, on many vital questions of prize law, no such agreement. It will be sufficient to mention those relating to the list of contraband, the distinction between "absolute" and "conditional" contraband, the doctrine of "continuous voyages," the right of sinking a neutral prize, the moment from which a vessel becomes liable for breach of blockade.

Just as the Alabama arbitration would have been impossible had not an agreement been arrived at upon the principles in accordance with which neutral duties as to the exit of ships of war were to be construed, so, also, before an international Court can be empowered to decide questions of prize, whether in the first instance or on appeal, it is indispensable that the law to be applied on the points above mentioned, and many others, should have been clearly defined and accepted, if not generally, at least by all parties concerned. The moral which I would venture to draw is, therefore, that although questions of fact, arising out of capture of a prize, might sometimes be submitted to a tribunal of arbitration, no case, involving rules of law as to which nations take different views, could possibly be so submitted. One is glad, therefore, to notice that the Prime Minister's reply to Mr. A. Herbert was of the most guarded character. The settlement of the law of prize must necessarily precede any general resort to an international prize Court; and if the coming Hague Conference does no more than settle some of the most pressing of these questions, it will have done much to promote the cause of peace.

I am, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, February 20 (1907).

A NEW PRIZE LAW

Sir,--The leading articles which you have recently published upon the doings of the Peace Conference, as also the weighty letter addressed to you by my eminent colleague, Professor Westlake, will have been welcomed by many of your readers who are anxious that the vital importance of some of the questions under discussion at The Hague should not be lost sight of.

The Conference may now be congratulated upon having already given a quietus to several proposals for which, whether or not they may be rightly described as Utopian, the time is admittedly not yet ripe. Such has been the fate of the suggestions for the limitation of armaments, and the exemption from capture of private property at sea. Such also, there is every reason to hope, is the destiny which awaits the still more objectionable proposals for rendering obligatory the resort to arbitration, which by the Convention of 1899 was wisely left optional.

Should the labours of the delegates succeed in placing some restrictions upon the employment of submarine mines, the bombardment of open coast towns, and the conversion of merchant vessels into ships of war; in making some slight improvements in each of the three Conventions of 1899; and in solving some of the more pressing questions as to the rights and duties of neutrals, especially with reference to the reception in their ports of belligerent warships, it will have more than justified the hopes for its success which have been entertained by persons conversant with the difficulty and complexity of the problems involved.

But what shall we say of certain proposals for revolutionising the law of prize, which still remain for consideration, notably for the establishment of an international Court of Appeal, and for the abolition of contraband? It can hardly be supposed that either suggestion will win its way to acceptance.

1. The British scheme for an international Court of Appeal in prize cases is, indeed, far preferable to the German; but the objections to anything of the kind would seem to be, for the present, insuperable, were it only for the reason which you allowed me to point out, some months ago, à propos of a question put in the House of Commons by Mr. Arnold Herbert. As long as nations hold widely different views on many points of prize law, it cannot be expected that they should agree beforehand that, when belligerent, they will leave it to a board of arbitrators to say which of several competing rules shall be applied to any given case of capture, or to evolve out of their inner consciousness a new rule, hitherto unknown to any national prize Court. It would seem that the German advocates of the innovation claim in its favour the authority of the Institut de Droit International. Permit me, therefore, as one who has taken part in all the discussions of the Institut upon the subject, to state that when it was first handled, at Zurich, in 1878, the difficulties in the way of an international Court were insisted on by such men as Asser, Bernard, Bluntschli, Bulmerincq, and Neumann, and the vote of a majority in its favour was coupled with one which demanded the acceptance by treaty of a universally applicable system of prize law. The drafting of such a system was accordingly the main object of the Code des Prises maritimes, which, after occupying several sessions of the Institut, was finally adopted by it, at Heidelberg, in 1887. Only ten of the 122 sections of this Code deal with an international Court of Appeal. A complete body of law, by which States have agreed to be bound, must, one would think, necessarily precede the establishment of a mixed Court by which that law is to be interpreted.

2. While the several delegations are vying with one another in devising new definitions of contraband, there would seem to be little likelihood that the British proposal for its total abandonment will be seriously entertained. Such a step could be justified, if at all, from the point of view of national interest, only on the ground that it might possibly throw increased difficulties in the way of an enemy desirous, even by straining the existing law, of interfering with the supply of foodstuffs to the British Islands. I propose, for the present, only to call attention to the concluding paragraph of the British notice of motion on this point, which would seem to imply much more than the abandonment of contraband. The words in question, if indeed they are authentically reported, are as follows: "Le droit de visite ne serait exercé que pour constater le caractère neutre du bâtiment de commerce." Does this mean that the visiting officer, as soon as he has ascertained from the ship's papers that she is neutral property, is to make his bow and return to the cruiser whence he came? If so, what has become of our existing right to detain any vessel which has sailed for a blockaded port, or is carrying, as a commercial venture, or even ignorantly, hostile troops or despatches? No such definition as is proposed of an "auxiliary ship-of-war" would safeguard the right in question, since a ship, to come within that definition, must, it appears, be under the orders of a belligerent fleet.

I would venture to suggest that the motto of a reformer of prize law should be festina lente. The existing system is the fruit of practical experience extending over several centuries, and, though it may need, here and there, some readjustment to new conditions, brought about by the substitution of steam for sails, is not one which can safely be pulled to pieces in a couple of months. Let us leave something for future Hague Conferences.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, July 24 (1907).

A NEW PRIZE LAW

Sir,--In a letter under the above heading, for which you were so good as to find room in July last, I returned to the thesis which I had ventured to maintain some months previously, à propos of a question put in the House of Commons. My contention was that the establishment of an international prize Court, assuming it to be under any circumstances desirable, should follow, not precede, a general international agreement as to the law which the Court is to administer.

It would appear, from such imperfect information as intermittently reaches Swiss mountain hotels, that a conviction of the truth of this proposition is at length making way among the delegates to The Hague Conference and among observers of its doings. In a recent number of the Courrier de la Conférence, a publication which cannot be accused of lukewarmness in the advocacy of proposals for the peaceful settlement of international differences, I find an article entitled "Pas de Code Naval, pas de Cour des Prises," to the effect that "l'acceptation de la Cour des Prises est strictement conditionnelle à la rédaction du Code, qu'elle aura à interpréter." Its decisions must otherwise be founded upon the opinions of its Judges, "the majority of whom will belong to a school which has never accepted what Great Britain looks upon as the fundamental principles of naval warfare." One learns also from other sources, that efforts are being made to arrive, by a series of compromises, at some common understanding upon the points as to which the differences of view between the Powers are most pronounced. It may, however, be safely predicted that many years must elapse before any such result will be achieved.

In the meantime, a very different solution of the difficulty has commended itself to the partisans of the proposed Court. M. Renault, the accomplished Reporter of the committee which deals in the first instance with the subject, after stating that "sur beaucoup de points le droit de la guerre maritime est encore incertain, et chaque État le formule au gré de ses idées et de ses intérêts," lays down that, in accordance with strict juridical reasoning, when international law is silent an international Court should apply the law of the captor. He is, nevertheless, prepared to recommend, as the spokesman of the committee, that in such cases the Judges should decide "d'après les principes généraux de la justice et de l'équité"--a process which I had, less complimentarily, described as "evolving new rules out of their inner consciousness." The Court, in pursuance of this confessedly "hardie solution," would be called upon to "faire le droit."

One may be permitted to hope that this proposal will not be accepted. The beneficent action of English Judges in developing the common law of England may possibly be cited in its favour; but the analogy is delusive. The Courts of a given country in evolving new rules of law are almost certain to do so in accordance with the views of public policy generally entertained in that country. Should they act otherwise their error can be promptly corrected by the national Legislature. Far different would be the effect of the decision of an international Court, in which, though it might run directly counter to British theory and practice, Great Britain would have bound herself beforehand to acquiesce. The only quasi-legislative body by which the ratio decidendi of such a decision could be disallowed would be an international gathering in which British views might find scanty support. The development of a system of national law by national Judges offers no analogy to the working of an international Court, empowered, at its free will and pleasure, to disregard the views of a sovereign Power as to the proper rule to be applied in cases as to which international law gives no guidance. In such cases the ultimate adjustment of differences of view is the appropriate work, not of a law Court, but of diplomacy.

It is hardly necessary to combat the notion that there already exists, in nubibus, a complete system of prize law, which is in some mysterious way accessible to Judges, and reveals to them the rule applicable to each new case as it arises. This notion, so far as it is prevalent, seems to have arisen from a mistaken reading of certain dicta of Lord Stowell, in which that great Judge, in his finest eighteenth-century manner, insists that the law which it was his duty to administer "has no locality" and "belongs to other nations as well as our own." He was, of course, thinking of the rules of prize law upon which the nations are agreed, not of the numerous questions upon which no agreement exists, and was dealing with the difficult position of a Judge who has to choose (as in the recent Moray Firth case) between obedience to such rules and obedience to the legislative, or quasi-legislative, acts of his own Government.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Eggishorn, Suisse, September 16 (1907).

A NEW PRIZE LAW

Sir,--The speech of the Prime Minister at the Guildhall contains a paragraph which will be read with a sense of relief by those who, like myself, have all along viewed with surprise and apprehension The Hague proposals for an international prize Court.

Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman admits that "it is desirable, and it may be essential, that, before legislation can be undertaken to make such a Court effective, the leading maritime nations should come to an agreement as to the rules regarding some of the more important subjects of warfare which are to be administered by the Court"; and his subsequent eulogy of the Court presupposes that it is provided with "a body of rules which has received the sanction of the great maritime Powers." What is said as to the necessary postponement of any legislation in the sense of The Hague Convention must, of course, apply a fortiori to the ratification of the Convention.

We have here, for the first time, an authoritative repudiation of the notion that fifteen gentlemen of mixed nationality composing an international prize Court, are to be let loose to "make law," in accordance with what may happen to be their conceptions of "justice and equity." It seems at last to be recognised that such a Court cannot be set to work unless, and until, the great maritime Powers shall have come to an agreement upon the rules of law which the Court is to administer.

I may add that it is surely too much to expect that the rules in question will be discussed by the Powers, to use Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman's phrase, "without any political arrière pensêe." Compromise between opposing political interests must ever remain one of the most important factors in the development of the law of nations.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. E. HOLLAND. Oxford, November 11 (1907).

Although the establishment of an International Prize Court of Appeal was not one of the topics included in the programme of the Russian invitation; to a second Peace Conference, no objection was made to its being taken into consideration, when proposals to that effect were made by the British and American delegates to the Conference. The idea seems first to have been suggested by Hübner, who proposed to confer jurisdiction in cases of neutral prize on Courts composed of ministers or consuls, accredited by neutrals to the belligerents, together with commissioners appointed by the Sovereign of the captors or of the country to which the prize has been brought, as also, perhaps, "des personnes pleines de probité et de connaissances dans tout ce qui concerne les Loix des Nations et les Traités des Puissances modernes." The Court is to decide in accordance with treaties, "ou, à leur défaut, la loi universelle des nations." De la Saisie des Bâtiments neutres (1759), ii. pp. 45-61. The Institut de Droit International, after discussions extending over several years, accepted the principle of an International Court of Appeal, though only in combination with a complete scheme of prize law, in its Code des Prises maritimes, completed in 1887, section 100.

At the Conference of 1907, the work of several committees, and a masterly report by Professor Renault, Parl. Papers, No. iv. (1908), p. 9, resulted in The Hague Convention, No. xii. of that year, providing for the establishment of a mixed Court of Appeal from national prize Courts.

According to Art. 7 of this Convention, in default of any relevant treaty between the Governments of the litigant parties, and of generally recognised rules of international law bearing upon the question at issue, the Court is to decide "in accordance with the general principles of justice and equity." It seems, however, to have been soon perceived that the proposal to institute a Court, unprovided with any fixed system of law by which to decide the cases which might be brought before it, could not well be entertained, and the Final Act of the Conference accordingly expresses a wish that "the preparation of a Règlement, relative to the laws and customs of maritime war, may be mentioned in the programme of the next Conference."

Thereupon, without waiting for the meeting of a third Hague Conference, the British Government on February 27, 1908, addressed a circular to the great maritime Powers, which, after alluding to the impression gained "that the establishment of the International Prize Court would not meet with general acceptance so long as vagueness and uncertainty exist as to the principles which the Court, in dealing with appeals brought before it, would apply to questions of far-reaching importance, affecting naval policy and practice," went on to propose that another Conference should meet in London, in the autumn of the same year, "with the object of arriving at an agreement as to what are the generally recognised principles of international law within the meaning of paragraph 2 of Article 7 of the Convention, as to those matters wherein the practice of nations has varied, and of then formulating the rules which, in the absence of special treaty provisions applicable to a particular case, the Court should observe in dealing with appeals brought before it for decision.... It would be difficult, if not impossible, for H.M. Government to carry the legislation necessary to give effect to the Convention, unless they could assure both Houses of the British Parliament that some more definite understanding had been reached as to the rules by which the new Tribunal should be governed."

In response to this invitation, delegates from ten principal maritime States assembled at the Foreign Office on December 4, 1908, and after discussing the topics to which their attention was directed, viz.: (1) Contraband; (2) Blockade; (3) Continuous voyage; (4) Destruction of neutral prizes; (5) Unneutral service; (6) Conversion of merchant vessels into warships on the high seas; (7) Transfer to a neutral flag; (8) Nationality or domicil, as the test of enemy property; signed on February 26, 1909, the Declaration of London.

The Convention No. xii. of 1907 and the Declaration of London of 1909 have alike failed to obtain ratification. Cf. now the two immediately following sections, 9 and 10.

An ultimate Court of Appeal in cases of Prize seems now likely to be provided by the "Permanent Court of International Justice," proposed by the League of Nations in pursuance of Art. 14 of the Treaty of Versailles. See also Art. 24 of the Treaty. Cf. supra, p. 2.

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