CHAPTER XVIII. The Key-Note of British Attitude

THE KEY-NOTE OF BRITISH ATTITUDE

On May 8, 1865, the news was received in London of Johnston's surrender to Sherman. On that same day there occurred in the Commons the first serious debate in thirty-three years on a proposed expansion of the electoral franchise. It was a dramatic coincidence and no mere fortuitous one in the minds of thoughtful Englishmen who had seen in the Civil War a struggle as fateful in British domestic policy as in that of America herself. Throughout all British political agitation from the time of the American revolution in 1776, there had run the thread of the American "example" as argument to some for imitation, to others for warning. Nearly every British traveller in America, publishing his impressions, felt compelled to report on American governmental and political institutions, and did so from his preconceived notions of what was desirable in his own country. In the ten years immediately preceding the Civil War most travellers were laudatory of American democracy, and one, the best in acute analysis up to the time of Lord Bryce's great work, had much influence on that class in England which was discontented with existing political institutions at home. This was Mackay's Western World which, first published in 1849, had gone through four editions in 1850 and in succeeding years was frequently reprinted. Republicanism, Mackay asserted, was no longer an experiment; its success and permanence were evident in the mighty power of the United States; Canada would soon follow the American example; the "injustice" of British aristocrats to the United States was intentional, seeking to discredit democracy:

"... Englishmen are too prone to mingle severity with their judgments whenever the Republic is concerned. It is the interest of aristocracy to exhibit republicanism, where-ever it is found, in the worst possible light, and the mass of the people have too long, by pandering to their prejudice, aided them in their object. They recognize America as the stronghold of republicanism. If they can bring it into disrepute here, they know that they inflict upon it the deadliest blow in Europe."

On the opposing side were other writers. Tremenheere argued the inapplicability of American institutions to Great Britain. The theoretical bases of those institutions were in some respects admirable but in actual practice they had resulted in the rule of the mob and had debased the nation in the estimation of the world; bribery in elections, the low order of men in politics and in Congress, were proofs of the evils of democracy; those in England who clamoured for a "numerical" rather than a class representation should take warning from the American experiment. Occasionally, though rarely, there appeared the impressions of some British traveller who had no political axe to grind, but from 1850 to 1860, as in every previous decade, British writing on America was coloured by the author's attitude on political institutions at home. The "example" of America was constantly on the horizon in British politics.

In 1860, the Liberal movement in England was at its lowest ebb since the high tide of 1832. Palmerston was generally believed to have made a private agreement with Derby that both Whig and Tory parties would oppose any movement toward an expansion of the franchise. Lord John Russell, in his youth an eager supporter of the Reform Bill of 1832, had now gained the name of "Finality John" by his assertion that that Reform was final in British institutions. Political reaction was in full swing much to the discontent of Radicals like Bright and Cobden and their supporters. When the storm broke in America the personal characteristics of the two leaders North and South, Lincoln and Davis, took on, to many British eyes, an altogether extreme importance as if representative of the political philosophies of the two sections. Lincoln's "crudity" was democratic; Davis' "culture" was aristocratic--nor is it to be denied that Davis had "aristocratic" views on government. But that this issue had any vital bearing on the quarrel between the American sections was never generally voiced in England. Rather, British comment was directed to the lesson, taught to the world by the American crisis, of the failure of democratic institutions in national power. Bright had long preached to the unenfranchised of England the prosperity and might of America and these had long been denied by the aristocratic faction to be a result of democratic institutions. At first the denial was now repeated, the Saturday Review, February 23, 1861, protesting that there was no essential connection between the "shipwreck" of American institutions and the movement in England for an expanded franchise. Even, the article continued, if an attempt were made to show such a connection it would convince nobody since "Mr. Bright has succeeded in persuading a great number of influential persons that the admission of working-men into the constituencies is chiefly, if not solely, desirable on the ground that it has succeeded admirably in America and has proved a sovereign panacea against the war, taxation and confusion which are the curses of old Governments in Europe." Yet that the denial was not sincere is shown by the further assertion that "the shallow demagogues of Birmingham and other kindred platforms must bear the blame of the inference, drawn nearly universally at the present moment, that, if the United States become involved in hopeless difficulties, it would be madness to lower the qualification for the suffrage in England."

This pretended disclaimer of any essential relation between the American struggle and British institutions was not long persisted in. A month later the Saturday Review was strong in contemptuous criticism of the "promiscuous democracy" of the North. Less political journals followed suit. The Economist thought the people of England would now be convinced of the folly of aping America and that those who had advocated universal suffrage would be filled with "mingled alarm, gratitude and shame." Soon W.H. Russell could write, while still at Washington "... the world will only see in it all, the failure of republican institutions in time of pressure as demonstrated by all history--that history which America vainly thought she was going to set right and re-establish on new grounds and principles." "The English worshippers of American institutions," said the Saturday Review, "are in danger of losing their last pretext for preferring the Republic to the obsolete and tyrannical Monarchy of England.... It now appears that the peaceable completion of the secession has become impossible, and it will be necessary to discover some new ground of superiority by which Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Lincoln may be advantageously contrasted with Queen Victoria."

These expressions antedated the news of the actual opening of the war and may be regarded as jeers at Bright and his followers rather than as attempts to read a lesson to the public. No such expressions are to be found in the letters of leading officials though minor ones occasionally indulged in them. As late as June, 1861, Adams declared that while some in England welcomed American disunion as a warning to their countrymen it was evident that but a small number as yet saw the cause of the North as identical with the world progress of free institutions. Evidently he was disappointed that the followers of Bright were not exhibiting more courage and demanding public support of the North as fighting their battle at home. They were indeed strangely silent, depressed no doubt by American events, and discouraged. It required time also to arouse intensity of feeling on the American question and to see clearly the issues involved. Aristocratic Britain was first to declare a definite lesson to be learned, thereby bringing out the fighting qualities of British democracy. Throughout 1861, the comment was relatively mild. In July, Blackwood's declared:

"It is precisely because we do not share the admiration of America for her own institutions and political tendencies that we do not now see in the impending change an event altogether to be deplored. In those institutions and tendencies we saw what our own might be if the most dangerous elements of our Constitution should become dominant. We saw democracy rampant, with no restriction upon its caprices. We saw a policy which received its impulses always from below ... nor need we affect particularly to lament the exhibition of the weak point of a Constitution ... the disruption of which leaves entirely untouched the laws and usages which America owes to England, and which have contributed so powerfully to her prosperity...."

"With a rival Government on the frontier ... with great principles to be not vapoured about but put to the proof we should probably see the natural aristocracy rise from the dead level of the Republic, raising the national character with its own elevation."

In the same month the Quarterly, always more calm, logical and convincing than Blackwood's, published "Democracy on its Trial." "The example of America kept alive, as it had created, the party of progress"; now "it has sunk from the decrepitude of premature old age." If England, after such an example, permits herself to be led into democracy she "will have perished by that wilful infatuation which no warning can dispel."

Adams had complained that few British friends of progress identified the cause of the North with their own, but this was true of Americans also. The Atlantic Monthly for July 1861, discussed British attitude wholly in terms of cotton supply. But soon there appeared in the British press so many preachments on the "lesson" of America that the aristocratic effort to gain an advantage at home became apparent to all. The Economist moralized on the "untried" character of American institutions and statesmen, the latter usually as ignorant as the "masses" whom they represented and if more intellectual still more worthy of contempt because of their "voluntary moral degradation" to the level of their constituents. "The upper and ruling class" wrote Bright to Sumner, were observing with satisfaction, "that democracy may get into trouble, and war, and debt, and taxes, as aristocracy has done for this country." Thus Bright could not deny the blow to democracy; nor could the Spectator, upbraiding its countrymen for lack of sympathy with the North: "New England will be justified in saying that Old England's anti-slavery sympathies are mere hollow sentimental pretences, since she can rest satisfied to stuff her ears with cotton against the cries of the slaves, and to compensate her gentle regret over the new impulse given to slavery by her lively gratification over the paralyzing shock suffered by Democracy." This was no taking up of cudgels for the North and "Progress" such as Adams had hoped for. Vigour rested with the opposing side and increased when hopes of a short war vanished. The Saturday Review asserted:

"In that reconstruction of political philosophy which the American calamities are likely to inaugurate, the value of the popular element will be reduced to its due proportions.... The true guarantee of freedom will be looked for more in the equilibrium of classes than in the equality of individuals.... We may hope, at last, that the delusive confusion between freedom and democracy is finally banished from the minds of Englishmen."

"The real secret," wrote Motley, "of the exultation which manifests itself in the Times and other organs over our troubles and disasters, is their hatred, not to America, so much as to democracy in England." It was scarcely a secret in the columns of the journals already quoted. But no similar interpretation had as yet appeared in the Times and Motley's implication was justified for it and other leading daily newspapers. The Reviews and Weeklies were for the moment leading the attack--possibly one reason for the slowness in reply of Bright and his followers. Not all Reviews joined in the usual analysis. The Edinburgh at first saw in slavery the sole cause of the American dispute, then attributed it to the inevitable failure in power of a federal system of government, not mentioning democracy as in question. Blackwood's repeatedly pushed home its argument:

"Independent of motives of humanity, we are glad that the end of the Union seems more likely to be ridiculous than terrible.... But for our own benefit and the instruction of the world we wish to see the faults, so specious and so fatal, of their political system exposed, in the most effective way.... And the venerable Lincoln, the respectable Seward, the raving editors, the gibbering mob, and the swift-footed warriors of Bull's Run, are no malicious tricks of fortune played off on an unwary nation, but are all of them the legitimate offspring of the great Republic ... dandled and nursed--one might say coddled--by Fortune, the spoiled child Democracy, after playing strange pranks before high heaven, and figuring in odd and unexpected disguises, dies as sheerly from lack of vitality as the oldest of worn-out despotisms.... In the hope that this contest may end in the extinction of mob rule, we become reconciled to the much slighter amount of suffering that war inflicts on America."

Equally outspoken were a few public men who early espoused the cause of the South. Beresford Hope, before a "distinguished audience" used language insulting to the North, fawning upon the South and picturing the latter as wholly admirable for its aristocratic tendencies. For this he was sharply taken to task by the Spectator. More sedately the Earl of Shrewsbury proclaimed, "I see in America the trial of Democracy and its failure. I believe that the dissolution of the Union is inevitable, and that men now before me will live to see an aristocracy established in America." In all countries and at all times there are men over-eager in early prophecy on current events, but in such utterances as these there is manifest not merely the customary desire to stand in the limelight of assured knowledge and wisdom, but also the happy conviction that events in America were working to the undoing of the Radicals of Great Britain. If they would not be supine the Radicals must strike back. On December 4, at Rochdale where, as the Times asserted, he was sure of an audience sympathetic on purely personal grounds, Bright renewed his profession of faith in the American Republic and sang his accustomed praises of its great accomplishments. The battle, for England, on American democracy, was joined; the challenge issued by aristocratic England, accepted.

But apart from extreme factions at either end of the scale there stood a group holding a middle ground opinion, not yet sure of the historical significance of the American collapse. To this group belonged Gladstone, as yet uncertain of his political philosophy, and regretful, though vainly, it would appear, of the blow to democracy. He wrote his thought to Brougham, no doubt hoping to influence the view-point of the Edinburgh.

"This has without doubt been a deplorable year for poor 'Democracy' and never has the old woman been at a heavier discount since 1793. I see no discredit to the founders of the American constitution in the main fact of the rupture. On the contrary it was a great achievement to strike off by the will and wit of man a constitution for two millions of men scattered along a seaboard, which has lasted until they have become more than thirty millions and have covered a whole continent. But the freaks, pranks, and follies, not to say worse, with which the rupture has been met in the Northern States, down to Mr. Chase's financial (not exposition but) exposure have really given as I have said the old lady in question such a heavy blow and great discouragement that I hope you will in the first vigour of your action be a little merciful and human lest you murder her outright."

On this middle group of Englishmen and their moral conceptions the American Minister, Adams, at first pinned his faith, not believing in 1861 that the issues of democracy or of trade advantage would lead Great Britain from just rules of conduct. Even in the crisis of the Trent affair he was firm in this opinion:

"Much as the commercial and manufacturing interests may be disposed to view the tariff as the source of all our evils, and much as the aristocratic classes may endeavour to make democracy responsible for them, the inexorable logic of events is contradicting each and every assertion based on these notions, and proving that the American struggle is, after all, the ever-recurring one in human affairs between right and wrong, between labour and capital, between liberty and absolutism. When such an issue comes to be presented to the people of Great Britain, stripped of all the disguises which have been thrown over it, it is not difficult to predict at least which side it will not consent to take.

April, 1861, saw the beginning of the aristocratic challenge on American democracy and December its acceptance by Bright. Throughout 1862 he practically deserted his seat in Parliament and devoted himself to stirring up labour and radical sentiment in favour of the North. In January, 1862, a mass meeting at New Hall, Edgware Road, denounced the daily press and was thought of sufficient moment to be reported by Adams. A motion was carried:

"That in the opinion of this meeting, considering the ill-disguised efforts of the Times and other misleading journals to misrepresent public opinion here on all American questions ... to decry democratic institutions under the trials to which the Republic is exposed, it is the duty of the working-men especially as unrepresented in the National Senate to express their sympathy with the United States in their gigantic struggle for the preservation of the Union...."

The daily press was, in fact, now joining more openly in the controversy. The Morning Post, stating with conviction its belief that there could be no re-union in America, added:

"... if the Government of the United States should succeed in reannexing them [the Southern States] to its still extensive dominions, Democracy will have achieved its grandest triumph since the world began. It will have demonstrated to the ample satisfaction of its present and future proselytes that it is even more puissant in war than in peace; that it can navigate not only the smooth seas of unendangered prosperity, but can ride safely through the fiercest tempests that would engulf every other craft laden with human destinies; that it can descend to the darkest depths of adversity, and rise from them all the stronger for the descent.... And who can doubt that Democracy will be more arrogant, more aggressive, more levelling and vulgarizing, if that be possible, than it ever had been before."

By midsummer, 1862, Adams was more convinced than in 1861 that the political controversy in England had an important bearing on the attitude toward America. Even the alleged neutrality of Fraser's Magazine seemed turning to one-sided presentation of the "lesson" of America. Mill's defence of the North, appearing in the February number, was soon followed in July by the first of a series of articles, "Universal Suffrage in the United States and Its Consequences," depicting the war as the result of mob rule and predicting a military despotism as its inevitable consequence. The Liberals were losing strength, wrote Adams:

"That the American difficulties have materially contributed to this result cannot be doubted. The fact that many of the leading Liberals are the declared friends of the United States is a decided disadvantage in the contest now going on. The predominating passion here is the desire for the ultimate subdivision of America into many separate States which will neutralize each other. This is most visible among the conservative class of the Aristocracy who dread the growth of liberal opinions and who habitually regard America as the nursery of them."

From all this controversy Government leaders kept carefully aloof at least in public expression of opinion. Privately, Russell commented to Palmerston, "I have been reading a book on Jefferson by De Witt, which is both interesting and instructive. It shows how the Great Republic of Washington degenerated into the Democracy of Jefferson. They are now reaping the fruit." Was it mere coincidence or was there significance in an editorial in Palmerston's alleged "organ," the Morning Post:

"That any Englishman has looked forward with pleasure to the calamities of America is notoriously and demonstrably false. But we have no hesitation in admitting that many thoughtful Englishmen who have watched, in the policy of the United States during the last twenty years, the foreshadowing of a democratic tyranny compared with which the most corrupt despotisms of the Old World appear realms of idyllic happiness and peace, have gratefully recognized the finger of Providence in the strife by which they have been so frightfully rent asunder...."

In October the heavy artillery of the Conservatives was again brought into action and this time with more explicit diagnosis than heretofore. "For a great number of years," said the Quarterly, "a certain party among us, great admirers of America ... have chosen to fight their English battles upon American soil." Now the American Government "has disgracefully and ignominiously failed" at all points. It is evident that "political equality is not merely a folly, it is a chimera." At last, in November, the Times openly took the position which its accusers declared to have been the basis of its editorial utterances almost from the beginning of the Civil War.

"These are the consequences of a cheap and simple form of government, having a rural attorney for Sovereign and a city attorney for Prime Minister. We have already said that if such a terrible exposure of incapacity had happened in England we should at the earliest moment possible have sent the incapables about their business, and put ourselves in the hands of better men...."

"This Republic has been so often proposed to us as a model for imitation that we should be unpardonable not to mark how it works now, when for the first time it has some work to do. We believe that if the English system of Parliamentary action had existed in America, the war could not have occurred, but we are quite sure that such Ministers would have long since been changed."

In addition to a Conservative ringing the changes upon the failure of democracy, the open friends of the South dilated also upon the "gentlemanly" characteristics of Southern leaders and society. This was the frequent burden of articles in The Index in the early weeks of its publication. To this was soon added a picture of Northern democracy as composed of and controlled by the "immigrant element" which was the source of "the enormous increase of population in the last thirty years" from revolutionary areas in Europe. "Germans, Hungarians, Irish carried with them more than their strong arms, they imported also their theories of equality.... The revolutionary party which represents them is at this moment master in the States of the North, where it is indulging in all its customary licence." This fact, complained The Index, was not sufficiently brought out in the English press. Very different was the picture painted by Anthony Trollope after a tour of the Western states:

"... this man has his romance, his high poetic feeling, and above all his manly dignity. Visit him, and you will find him without coat or waistcoat, unshorn, in ragged blue trousers and old flannel shirt, too often bearing on his lantern jaws the signs of ague and sickness; but he will stand upright before you and speak to you with all the ease of a lettered gentleman in his own library. All the odious incivility of the republican servant has been banished. He is his own master, standing on his own threshold, and finds no need to assert his equality by rudeness. He is delighted to see you, and bids you sit down on his battered bench, without dreaming of any such apology as an English cotter offers to a Lady Bountiful when she calls. He has worked out his independence, and shows it in every easy movement of his body. He tells you of it unconsciously in every tone of his voice. You will always find in his cabin some newspaper, some book, some token of advance in education. When he questions you about the old country he astonishes you by the extent of his knowledge. I defy you not to feel that he is superior to the race from whence he has sprung in England or in Ireland."

* * * * *

"It is always the same story. With us there is no level of society. Men stand on a long staircase, but the crowd congregates near the bottom, and the lower steps are very broad. In America men stand upon a common platform, but the platform is raised above the ground, though it does not approach in height the top of our staircase. If we take the average altitude in the two countries, we shall find that the American heads are the more elevated of the two."

A comparison of dates shows that the unanimity of conservative and aristocratic expression on the failure of American democracy and its lesson to England was most marked and most open at the moment when the Government was seriously considering an offer of mediation in the war. Meanwhile the emancipation proclamation of September, 1862, had appeared. It did not immediately affect governmental attitude, save adversely to the North, and it gave a handle for pro-Southern outcry on the score of a "servile war." Indeed, the radicals were at first depressed by it; but when months passed with no appearance of a servile war and when the second emancipation proclamation of January, 1863, further certified the moral purpose of the North, a great element of strength was added to the English advocates of democracy. The numerous "addresses" to Lincoln exhibited both a revived moral enthusiasm for the cause of anti-slavery and were frequently combined with a laudation of American political institutions. The great mass-meeting at Exeter Hall, January 29, 1863, was described by the correspondent of an American paper as largely deriving its strength from the universal dissatisfaction of the lower orders of the English people with their existing conditions under the Crown:

"The descendants of the Roundhead commoners, chafing under the limitations of the franchise, burdensome taxation, the contempt with which they are regarded by the lords of the soil, the grievous effects of the laws of entail and primogeniture, whereby they are kept poor and rendered liable to starvation and pauperism--these have looked to America as the model democracy which proves the poor man's capacity for self-government." The meeting was called for seven o'clock but at half after five the hall was filled, and at six crowded. A second hall was filled and outdoor meetings of two thousand people organized in Exeter Street. "All working-class England was up in arms, not so much against slavery as against British oligarchy."

The correspondent further reported rumours that this meeting had caused anxious consideration to the managers of the Times, and the decision to step more warily. No doubt this was exaggeration of the political character and effect of the meeting, but certain it is that the political element was present joining hands with anti-slavery enthusiasm. Also it is noteworthy that the last confident and vigorous expression of the "failure" of democracy, from sources professedly neutral, appeared immediately after the St. James' Hall meeting, but was necessarily written before that meeting took place. Blackwood's, in its issue of February, 1863, declared, as before: "Every sensible man in this country now acknowledges ... that we have already gone as far toward democracy as is safe to go.... This is the great moral benefit which we have derived from the events in America." John Blackwood was an intimate friend of Delane, editor of the Times, holding similar views on political questions; but the Times was suddenly grown cautious in reading English political lessons from America. In truth, attack now rested with the Radicals and Bright's oratory was in great demand. He now advanced from the defensive position of laudation of the North to the offensive one of attacking the Southern aristocracy, not merely because it wished to perpetuate African slavery, but because it desired to make all the working-classes as subservient to it as was the negro. It was now Radical purpose to keep the battle raging and they were succeeding. Bigelow believed that the United States might well recognize its opportunity in this controversy and give aid to its friends:

"After all, this struggle of ours both at home and abroad is but a struggle between the principle of popular government and government by a privileged class. The people therefore all the world over are in a species of solidarity which it is our duty and interest to cultivate to the utmost."

But Adams gave contrary advice. Wholly sympathetic with the democratic movement in England as now, somewhat to his surprise, developed, he yet feared that the extremes to which Bright and others were going in support of the North might create unfortunate reactions in the Government. Especially he was anxious that the United States should not offer opportunity for accusation of interference in a British political quarrel. It is noteworthy that while many addresses to Lincoln were forwarded by him and many were printed in the annual publication of diplomatic correspondence, those that thus appeared dealt almost exclusively with emancipation. Yet Adams was also forwarding addresses and speeches harping on American democracy. A meeting at Edinburgh, February 19, found place, in its emancipation aspect in the United States documents, but the burden of that meeting, democracy, did not. It was there proclaimed that the British press misrepresented conditions in America, "because the future of free political institutions, as sketched in the American Declaration of Independence and in the State Constitutions of the Northern States, would be a standing argument against the expansion of the franchise and the enjoyment of just political rights among us, as well as a convenient argument in favour of the continued domination of our aristocratic parties." The tide of democratic feeling was rising rapidly in England. On March 26, Adams wrote to Seward of a recent debate in Parliament that that body was much more judicious in expressions on America than it had been before 1862. "It will not escape your observation that the question is now felt to be taking a shape which was scarcely anticipated by the managers [of the Times] when they first undertook to guide the British mind to the overthrow of free institutions in America."

On the evening of the day on which this was written there occurred the greatest, most outspoken, and most denunciatory to the aristocracy, of the meetings held to support the cause of the North. This was the spectacular gathering of the Trades Unions of London at St. James' Hall, on March 26, usually regarded as the culminating effort in Bright's tour of England for the cause of democracy, but whose origin is somewhat shrouded in mystery. Socialist tradition claims that Karl Marx conceived the idea of the meeting and was responsible for its organization. The press generally reported it as a "Bright Meeting." Adams wrote to Seward of the pressure put on him by Professor Beesly, of the University of London, to send a representative from the American Ministry, Beesly expanding upon the importance and high standing of the Trades Unions. To this Adams demurred but finally sent his son to sit in the audience and report the proceedings.

Whatever its origin there can be no doubt that this was the most important of all pro-Northern meetings held in England during the Civil War, nor that its keynote was "America fighting the battle of democracy." Save for some distinguished speakers those in attendance consisted almost wholly of three thousand picked representatives of the Trades Unions of London. Adams transmitted to Seward his son's report of the meeting, its character, composition, names of speakers and their emphatic expressions of friendship for the North, but it is again noteworthy that Henry Adams' clear analysis of the real significance of the meeting was not printed in the published diplomatic correspondence. Giving due praise to the speeches of Bright and Beesly, and commenting on press assertions that "the extraordinary numbers there were only brought together by their curiosity to hear Mr. Bright," Henry Adams continued: "That this was not the case must have been evident to every person present. In fact, it was only after he closed that the real business of the evening began." Then followed speeches and the introduction of resolutions by "Mr. Howell, a bricklayer ... Mr. Odgers, a shoemaker ... Mr. Mantz, a compositor ... Mr. Cremer, a joiner, who was bitter against Lord Palmerston ... Mr. Conolly, a mason...." and other labouring men, all asserting "that the success of free institutions in America was a political question of deep consequence in England and that they would not tolerate any interference unfavourable to the North." No one, the report emphasized, "could doubt what was intended."

"The meeting was a demonstration of democratic strength and no concealment of this fact was made. If it did not have a direct political bearing on internal politics in England it needed little of doing so. There was not even a profession of faith in the government of England as at present constituted. Every hostile allusion to the Aristocracy, the Church, the opinions of the 'privileged classes,' was received with warm cheers. Every allusion to the republican institutions of America, the right of suffrage, the right of self-taxation, the 'sunlight' of republican influence, was caught up by the audience with vehement applause. It may therefore be considered as fairly and authoritatively announced that the class of skilled workmen in London--that is the leaders of the pure popular movement in England--have announced by an act almost without precedent in their history, the principle that they make common cause with the Americans who are struggling for the restoration of the Union and that all their power and influence shall be used on behalf of the North."

Bright's words of most scarifying indictment of "Privilege," and his appeal to workers to join hands with their fellows in America have been given in a previous chapter. Evidently that appeal, though enthusiastically received for its oratorical brilliance, was unneeded. His was but an eloquent expression of that which was in the minds of his audience. Upon the American Minister the effect was to cause him to renew warnings against showing too keen an appreciation of the support of political radicalism in England. The meeting, he wrote, had at once stirred anxiety in Parliament and verged:

"... much too closely upon the minatory in the domestic politics of this Kingdom to make it easy to recognize or sympathize with by Foreign Governments.... Hence it seems to me of the greatest consequence that the treatment of all present questions between the two nations should be regulated by a provident forecast of what may follow it [the political struggle in England] hereafter. I am not sure that some parties here would not now be willing even to take the risk of a war in order the more effectually to turn the scale against us, and thus, as they think, to crush the rising spirit of their own population. That this is only a feeling at present and has not yet risen to the dignity of a policy may be true enough; but that does not the less impose upon the Government at home a duty so to shape its actions as, if possible, to defeat all such calculations and dissipate such hopes.... We owe this duty not less to the great body of those who in this kingdom are friends to us and our institutions, than to ourselves."

Thus Adams advised his Government to tread lightly in respect to democratic agitation in England. Over a month later he received a deputation headed by Bright, come to present to him the resolutions passed at the Trades Unions' meeting. The deputation expressed fears that a rupture was imminent in the relations of Great Britain and America, and that this would have a disastrous influence on the aspirations of working-class Europe. Adams replied in general terms of appreciation for the sympathies expressed by the meeting but carefully avoided specific comment on its democratic purpose. "He was too prudent," said the Times in reporting the deputation, "to appraise the importance of the particular demonstration to which his notice was invited ..." and his reply was given favourable comment. This reply, wrote Adams, "appears to have had a sedative effect." Meanwhile, Bright continued his preachment to the English people though modifying his tone of fierce accusation against "privilege," and confining himself to declaring the interest of the unenfranchised in the American conflict. In a speech before the Union and Emancipation Society of London, on June 16, he asserted for the "twenty millions of people in this country" as yet without representation in Parliament, "I say that these have an interest, almost as great and direct as though they were living in Massachusetts or New York, in the tremendous struggle for freedom which is now shaking the whole North American Continent." Like utterances were repeated at further public meetings and so insistent were they as to require reply by the conservative faction, even if, as was supposed, the effect of the Trades' Union attitude had been to give a halt to the vehemence of those who had been sounding the "lesson" of American failure in democracy. Bright became the centre of attack. The Times led.

"His is a political fanaticism. He used to idolize the Constitution of the United States as the one great dominant Democracy of the world. He believes in it still, and, if it must go, he is ready to idolize its memory. For this he gives up all his most cherished notions and all his less absorbing principles...."

"Yet Mr. Bright is consistent. He has one master passion and his breast, capacious as it is, can hold no more. That master passion is the love of that great dominant Democracy. He worshipped it while rising to its culminating point, and he is obliged to turn right round to worship it while setting. He did not himself know, until tested by this great trial, how entirely his opinions as to war and peace, and slavery and freedom, and lust of conquest and hatred of oppression, were all the mere accidents which hung loosely upon him, and were capable of being detached at once in the interest of the ruling passion of his soul for that great dominant Democracy. Nor need we wonder; for if that great Democracy has been a failure, then men will say that the life of Mr. John Bright up to this time has been but a foolish dream."

Evidently Bright's speeches were causing anxiety and bitterness; but an "if" had crept into the estimate of the future of American democracy, caused less by the progress of the war than by the rising excitement of democratic England. The Times editorial just quoted appeared when the faith was generally professed that Lee was about to end the war through the invasion of Pennsylvania. In the reaction created by the arrival of the news of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, Adams still again warned his Government against either a belligerent or interfering attitude toward Great Britain, but stated plainly that Northern victory was of supreme importance in Europe itself. "We have a mission to fulfill. It is to show, by our example to the people of England in particular, and to all nations in general, the value of republican institutions." There was still a general belief in the incompetency of those institutions. "The greatest triumph of all would be to prove these calculations vain. In comparison with this, what would be the gain to be derived from any collision with the powers of Europe?"

It is strange that with so clearly-expressed a division of English opinion on American democracy few in America itself appreciated the significance of the British controversy. J. M. Forbes, who had been on a special mission to England, wrote to Lincoln, on his return:

"Our friends abroad see it! John Bright and his glorious band of English Republicans see that we are fighting for Democracy or (to get rid of the technical name) for liberal institutions; the Democrats and the liberals of the old world are as much and as heartily with us as any supporters we have on this side.

Our enemies too see it in the same light; the Aristocrats and the Despots of the old world see that our quarrel is that of the People against an Aristocracy."

But there are few similar expressions and these few nearly always came from men who had been abroad and had thus come into direct contact with British political movements. Meanwhile, Lee's retreat from Pennsylvania had produced a like retreat in the opinions on the failure of democracy earlier confidently held by the professedly neutral press. In September, having arrived at the point by the usual process of gradually facing about, the Times was bold enough to deny that England had any personal feeling or concern about democracy in America or that this had anything to do with English attitude on the war. Thenceforth neither the Times nor any of the leading papers saw fit to revive with vigour the cry of "democracy's failure," no matter how persistent in proclaiming ultimate victory for the South. Aristocratic exultation had given place to alarm and it seemed wiser, if possible, to quiet the issue. Not so the Radicals, who made every effort to keep the issue alive in the minds of the British public, and whose leaders with less violence but increased firmness debated the question in every public meeting favourable to the North. Many Conservatives, Adams reported, were now anxiously sitting on the fence yet finding the posture a difficult one because of their irritation at Bright's taunts. Bright's star was rising. "The very moment the war comes to an end," wrote Adams, "and a restoration of the Union follows, it will be the signal for a reaction that will make Mr. Bright perhaps the most formidable public man in England."

The continuation of the controversy was not, however, wholly one-sided. In the silence of the daily press it seemed incumbent upon the more eager and professed friends of the South to take up the cudgels. Hence, in part, came the organization of the Southern Independence Association and the attempt to hold public meetings favourable to the South, in the early months of 1864. Much talk had been spent on the "British issue" involved in the war; there was now to be vigorous work to secure it. The Index plunged into vigorous denunciation of "The Manchester School, which, for convenience and truth, we had better for the future call the American School." Even the Government was attacked for its complacence under the "American danger" and for retaining as a member Milner-Gibson, who, in a recent speech, had shown that he shared Bright's views on democracy:

"That gentleman [Bright] could not be asked to enter the Cabinet in person. The country abhorred him; Parliament despised him; his inveterate habits of slander and vituperation, his vulgarity, and his incurable want of veracity, had made him so hateful to the educated classes that it would have required no common courage to give him office; his insolent sneers at royalty would have made his appointment little less than a personal insult to the Queen; and his bad temper would have made him an intolerable colleague in the Council. But Mr. Bright had another self; a faithful shadow, which had no ideas, no soul, no other existence but what it borrowed from him, while its previous life and education had accustomed it to the society of statesmen and of gentlemen."

Such expressions gained nothing for the Conservative cause; they were too evidently the result of alarm at the progress of Radical and pro-Northern sentiment. Goldwin Smith in a "Letter" to the Southern Independence Association, analysed with clarity the situation. Answering criticisms of the passionate mob spirit of Northern press and people, he accused the Times of having

"... pandered to the hatred of America among the upper classes of this country during the present war. Some of us at least had been taught by what we have lately seen not to shrink from an extension of the suffrage, if the only bad consequence of that measure of justice would be a change in government from the passions of the privileged class to the passions of the people.... History will not mistake the meaning of the loud cry of triumph which burst from the hearts of all who openly or secretly hated liberty and progress, at the fall, as they fondly supposed, of the Great Republic." British working men "are for the most part as well aware that the cause of those who are fighting for the right of labour is theirs, as any nobleman in your Association can be that the other cause in his."

The question of democracy as a political philosophy and as an institution for Great Britain was, by 1864, rapidly coming to the front in politics. This was very largely a result of the American Civil War. Roebuck, after the failure of his effort for mediation in 1863, was obsessed with a fear of the tendency in England. "I have great faith in my countrymen," he wrote, "but the experience of America frightens me. I am not ashamed to use the word frightened. During my whole life I have looked to that country as about to solve the great problem of self-government, and now, in my old age, the hopes of my youth and manhood are destroyed, and I am left to reconstruct my political philosophy, and doubt and hesitation beset me on every point." More philosophically Matthew Arnold, in 1864, characterized the rule of aristocracy as inevitably passing, but bent his thought to the discovery of some middle ground or method--some "influence [which] may help us to prevent the English people from becoming, with the growth of democracy, Americanized." "There is no longer any sort of disguise maintained," wrote Adams, "as to the wishes of the privileged classes. Very little genuine sympathy is entertained for the rebels. The true motive is apparent enough. It is the fear of the spread of democratic feeling at home in the event of our success."

The year 1864 had witnessed a rapid retreat by wiser Conservative elements in proclaming the "lesson" of American democracy--a retreat caused by alarm at the vigour with which Radicals had taken up the challenge. Conservative hopes were still fixed upon Southern success and Conservative confidence loudly voiced. Even the pride of the Times in the accuracy of its news and in its military forecasts was subordinated to the purpose of keeping up the courage of the faction it represented. Small wonder, then, that Delane, on receiving the news of Sherman's arrival before Savannah, should be made physically ill and write to Dasent: "The American news is a heavy blow to us as well as to the South." The next day he added: "I am still sore vexed about Sherman, but Chenery did his best to attenuate the mischief." "Attenuation" of Northern progress in arms was, indeed, attempted, but the facts of the military situation were too strong for continued concealment. From January, 1865, only the most stubborn of Southern friends could remain blind to the approaching Northern victory. Lord Acton, a hero-worshipper of the great Confederate military leader, "broke his heart over the surrender of Lee," but was moved also by keen insight as to the political meaning of that surrender.

So assured were all parties in England that the great Civil War in America was closing in Northern victory that the final event was discounted in advance and the lines were rapidly being formed for an English political struggle on the great issue heralded as involved in the American conflict. Again, on the introduction of a motion in Parliament for expansion of the franchise the ultra-Conservatives attempted to read a "lesson" from America. The Quarterly for April, 1865, asserted that even yet "the mass of educated men in England retain the sympathy for the South which they have nourished ever since the conflict assumed a decided shape." America was plainly headed in the direction of a military despotism. Her example should warn England from a move in the same direction. "The classes which govern this country are in a minority," and should beware of majority rule. But events discredited the prophecy of a military despotism. The assassination of Lincoln gave opportunity not merely for a general outpouring of expressions of sympathy but also to the Radicals a chance to exalt Lincoln's leadership in democracy.

In July Great Britain was holding elections for a new Parliament. Not a single member who had supported the cause of the North failed of re-election, several additional Northern "friends" were chosen, and some outspoken members for the South were defeated. Adams thought this a matter deserving special notice in America, and prophesied a new era approaching in England:

"As it is, I cannot resist the belief that this period marks an era in the political movement of Great Britain. Pure old-fashioned conservatism has so far lost its hold on the confidence of the country that it will not appear in that guise any more. Unless some new and foreign element should interpose, I look for decided progress in enlarging the popular features of the constitution, and diminishing the influence of the aristocracy.... It is impossible not to perceive traces of the influence of our institutions upon all these changes.... The progress of the liberal cause, not in England alone, but all over the world, is, in a measure, in our hands."

The "Liberal progress" was more rapid, even, than Adams anticipated. Palmerston, ill for some months past, died on October 18, 1865. Russell succeeded him as head of the Ministry, and almost immediately declared himself in favour of Parliamentary reform even though a majority in both Houses was still opposed to such a measure. Russell's desertion of his earlier attitude of "finality" on franchise expansion correctly represented the acceptance, though unwillingly, by both political parties of the necessity of reform. The battle, long waged, but reaching its decisive moment during the American Civil War, had finally gone against Conservatism when Lee surrendered at Appomatox. Russell's Reform Bill of 1866 was defeated by Tory opposition in combination with a small Whig faction which refused to desert the "principle" of aristocratic government--the "government by the wise," but the Tories who came into power under Derby were forced by the popular demand voiced even to the point of rioting, themselves to present a Reform Bill. Disraeli's measure, introduced with a number of "fancy franchises," which, in effect, sought to counteract the giving of the vote to British working-men, was quickly subjected to such caustic criticism that all the planned advantages to Conservatism were soon thrown overboard, and a Bill presented so Radical as to permit a transfer of political power to the working classes. The Reform Bill of 1867 changed Great Britain from a government by aristocracy to one by democracy. A new nation came into being. The friends of the North had triumphed.

Thus in addition to the play of diplomatic incidents, the incidental frictions, the effect on trade relations, the applications of British neutrality, and the general policy of the Government, there existed for Great Britain a great issue in the outcome of the Civil War--the issue of the adoption of democratic institutions. It affected at every turn British public attitude, creating an intensity and bitterness of tone, on both sides, unexampled in the expressions of a neutral people. In America this was little understood, and American writers both during the war and long afterwards, gave little attention to it. Immediately upon the conclusion of the war, Goldwin Smith, whose words during the conflict were bitter toward the aristocracy, declared that "the territorial aristocracy of this country and the clergy of the Established Church" would have been excusable "if they could only have said frankly that they desired the downfall of institutions opposed to their own, instead of talking about their sympathy for the weak, and their respect for national independence, and their anxiety for the triumph of Free Trade." This was stated before the democratic hope in England had been realized. Three years later the same staunch friend of the North, now removed to America and occupying a chair of history at Cornell University, wrote of the British aristocracy in excuse of their attitude: "I fought these men hard; I believed, and believe now, that their defeat was essential to the progress of civilization. But I daresay we should have done pretty much as they did, if we had been born members of a privileged order, instead of being brought up under the blessed influence of equality and justice."

Such judgment and such excuses will appear to the historian as well-founded. But to Americans who conceived the Civil War as one fought first of all for the preservation of the nation, the issue of democracy in England seemed of little moment and little to excuse either the "cold neutrality" of the Government or the tone of the press. To Americans Great Britain appeared friendly to the dissolution of the Union and the destruction of a rival power. Nationality was the issue for the North; that democracy was an issue in America was denied, nor could it, in the intensity of the conflict, be conceived as the vital question determining British attitude. The Reform Bill of 1867 brought a new British nation into existence, the nation decrying American institutions was dead and a "sister democracy" holding out hands to the United States had replaced it, but to this the men who had won the war for the North long remained blind. Not during the generation when Americans, immersed in a life and death struggle for national existence, felt that "he who is not for me is against me," could the generally correct neutrality of the British Government and the whole-hearted support of Radical England be accepted at their true value to the North. For nearly half a century after the American Civil War the natural sentiments of friendship, based upon ties of blood and a common heritage of literature and history and law, were distorted by bitter and exaggerated memories.

FOOTNOTES:

INDEX

Aberdeen, Lord, i. 10, 13, 14, 15; ii. 117 note Acton, Lord, ii. 301 Adams, Brooks, The Seizure of the Laird Rams, cited, ii. 120 note, 125 note, 147 note, 150 note Adams, Charles Francis, i. 49, 62-3, 80-1; attitude in the early days of the American crisis, 49 and note, 55, 63; appointed American Minister in London, 62, 80-1, 96; impressions of English opinion on the crisis, 96, 97, 98, 107; alarm at Seward's Despatch No. 10, i. 127; attitude of, to the Palmerston-Russell ministry, 170; controversy on General Butler's order, 302-5; reports to Seward on British public meetings on Emancipation Proclamation, ii. 107 and note, 223; view of the popular manifestations on Emancipation, 108; view as to decline of British confidence in the South, 184; and the London Confederate States Aid Association, 191, 192; receives deputations of allegiance during rumours before the fall of Savannah, 245 and note; quoted on rumours in Britain of possible reunion and foreign war, ii. 251-2, 253; on effect in England of the Hampton Roads Conference, 253; advice of, to Seward on attitude to be observed to Britain, 253-255; attitude to Seward's complaints of British and Canadian offences, 253-4; comments of, on parliamentary debate and Bright's speech of confidence in Lincoln, 255 and note; on feeling in Britain over Lincoln's assassination and the attempt on Seward, 257, 262-3; receives addresses of sympathy from British organizations, 262-3; and formal declaration of the end of the war, 268; faith of, in ultimate British opinion on the issues in the Civil War, ii. 283; views of, on the political controversy in England as influencing attitude to America 284, 285; advice to Seward on the political position in relation to democracy, 290, 294, 296, 298 note; quoted on the rising of democratic feeling in Britain, 291; disappointed in attitude of British friends of progress, 278, 279, 280; report of, on London mass meeting in favour of the North, 284; and the Trades Unions of London meeting, 292, 294-5; quoted on John Bright, 298; on the attitude of the privileged classes to democracy, 298 note, 300; on the influence of American institutions on the political movement in Great Britain, 302

Diplomatic action and views of, in regard to: Alabama case: ii. 35, 120 and note, 121, 131 British Foreign Enlistment Act, i. 135, 148-9; ii. 201-2 Bunch controversy, i. 186, 187, 190, 193, 195 Confederate Commissioners: representations on intercourse with, i. 105-6, 107 Confederate Cotton Loan: reported connection with, ii. 161 and note; views on, 179 Confederate Shipbuilding in England: protests against, ii. 118, 128, 131, 137, 143, 145 note; and U.S. Navy Department plan to stop, 130 note; Laird Rams incident, 144, 146, 147 note, 150 Cotton: report on British position, ii. 99 Declaration of Paris negotiation: action on proposed convention, i. 141-69 passim; view of American intention, 144, 169; failure of his negotiation, 137, 145-6, 169-71 Gladstone and Lewis speeches, ii. 55 Irish emigrants, enlistment of, ii. 201-2 Lindsay's efforts for mediation, ii. 34-5. 212 Mediation: presents the "servile war" threat against, ii. 18-19, 95; view of England's reply to French proposals on, 71; advantages of an anti-slavery avowal, 98-9 Neutrality Law, See British Foreign Enlistment Act supra Privateering Bill, ii. 122-3, 125, 127; advises against issue of privateers, 131 Proclamation of Neutrality, The: representations on, i. 98-100, 101, 105, 107 and note, 300-1; despatch on settlement of peaceful policy, 134; protests against British recognition of belligerency, 159; advice to Seward on, 275 Roebuck's motion: report on, ii. 144 "Servile War" threat, ii. 18-19, 95 and note Slavery: urges Northern declaration on, ii. 98-9; comments on Times criticism of anti-slavery meetings, 108 Southern Ports: plan of collecting duties at, ii. 198 Trent Affair, the: interviewed by Palmerston, i. 208-9; statement on the James Adger, 209-10; suspicion of British policy in, 218; views on public opinion in, 222-3; officially states Wilkes acted without authorization, 226; report on English hope of peaceful settlement, 228, 229; on British opinion after settlement of, 238, 240; on effect of, in Great Britain, 243; view of popular attitude in Britain in the crisis of, ii. 283 Appreciation and criticisms on: Characterized in The Index, ii. 196 Lord Lyons', report on, i. 62-3; opinion on, ii. 71 note Lord Russell's view of his diplomacy, ii. 128 Tory approval of, ii. 197 Otherwise mentioned, i. 1, 2, 129, 198, 263, 274, 276; ii. 31, 100 Adams, C.F., Jun., view of British attitude and the Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 109, 110; view of the delay in his father's journey to England, 112 note; view on Seward's attitude in Declaration of Paris negotiation, 138, 153-6; examination of British action in the negotiation, 154-5; review of the Trent affair, cited, 203 note, et seq. passim; on American feeling over seizure of Mason and Slidell, 218; and the Hotze materials, ii. 154 note Adams, E.D.: British Interests and Activities in Mexico, cited ii. 117 note "The Point of View of the British Traveller in America," cited, i. 23 note; ii. 274 note Adams, Henry, i. 138; ii. 292 note; view of, on W.E. Forster, i. 58 note; on British Proclamation of Neutrality, 110; on American exultation in Trent affair, 223; on British attitude in Trent affair, 230; view of Gregory's speech on the blockade, 270; on British view of prospects in the War, 297; on possibility of intervention, ii. 23; on advantage of a Northern declaration on slavery, 23; on the Trades Unions of London meeting, 292 and note 293 "Declaration, The, of Paris," 1861 ... reviewed, 146 et seq., 153; view of Russell's policy in, 146-150, 159; view of Lyons, 147, 150 Education of Henry Adams quoted, i. 149 note; ii. 172 note; cited, ii. 50 note Adams, John (Second President of the U.S.), i. 62, 81 Adams, John Quincy, i. 11, 20, 62, 81 African Slave Trade, attitude of the South to, i. 85-6; ii. 88; suppression of, international efforts for, i. 8-10; punishment to slave traders in American law, 9; American attitude to right of search, 9, 10, 219; British anti-slavery policy, 31-2; wane of British interest in, 10, 32; ii. 90; Slave Trade Treaty signed, i. 10, 275, 276; ii. 90, 91 Agassiz, L., i. 37 note. Akroyd, Edward, ii. 193 note. Alabama, The, ii. 35, 116, 119-120; departure of, from Liverpool, 118; British order to stop departure, 119, 120 and note, 133; Russell's private feelings as to, 121, 124; public opinion in Great Britain on, 129-130; Palmerston's defence of Government action on, 134-5; American anger over, 119, 127; measures against, 121-3, 127; New York Chamber of Commerce protest on, 126; claim for damages on account of, 151 note; mentioned, i. 138; ii. 129 note, 131, 134, 136, 145, 146 Alexandra, case, The: Seizure of the vessel, ii. 136, 139, 140, 152, 161 note; public approval, 136; law actions on, 136 note, 142, 149, 152, 185, 195; American anxiety at Court decision, 143; final result, 196 note America, Central: British-American disputes in, i. 16, 17 American: Civil War: i. 86, 87 and note, 99; British public and official views at the commencement of, 40-60; origins of; American and British views, i. 47-8; efforts at compromise, 49; British official attitude on outbreak of, 73; European opinion of, after duration of three years, ii. 219; compared with the Great War in Europe, 219; British attitude to democracy as determining attitude to the War, i. 77; ii. 303-5; bearing of, on democracy in Great Britain, 299 Union, The: British views of, i. 15; prognostications of its dissolution, 36, 37 War of Independence, i. 2-3, 17; adjustments after the Treaty of Peace, 3; as fostering militant patriotism, 7, 8 note; commercial relations after, 17-18 "War of 1812" i. 4, 7, 18; causes leading to, 5-7; New England opposition to, 7, 18; effect of, on American National unity, 7 See also under United States Anderson, Major, Northern Commander at Fort Sumter, i. 117 Anderson's Mission, ii. 53 note; reports, ii. 53 and note Andrews, Governor of Massachusetts, i. 219-20 Anthropological Society of London, ii. 222 Antietam, defeat of Lee by McClellan at, ii. 43, 85, 105; effect of, on Lord Palmerston, 43 Archibald, British Consul at New York, i. 63, 64 Argyll, Duke of, i. 179, 212; anti-slavery attitude of, i. 179, 238; ii. 112; views of, in Trent crisis, i. 212, 215, 229, 238; on calamity of war with America, 215, 238; on Northern determination, ii. 30 Arkansas joins Confederate States, i. 172 Army and Navy Gazette, The, ii. 228, 229; attitude in the conflict, 229-30, 236; on the Presidential election, 235-6, 238; summary of military situation after Atlanta, 243; on "foreign war" rumours, 251; cited or quoted, 68, 166, 232-3, 243. (See also under Russell, W.H.) Arnold, Matthew, views on the secession, i. 47; on British "superiority," 258; on the rule of aristocracy and growth of democracy, ii. 300 Arnold, The History of the Cotton Famine, ii. 6 note, 10, 11; quoted: first effects of the war on the cotton trade, 9-10; cotton operatives' song, 17 note; on the members for Lancashire, 26-7 Ashburton, Lord, i. 13; Ashburton Mission, i. 13 Aspinwall and Forbes, Mission of, in England, ii. 130 note Atlanta, captured by Sherman, ii. 233-5; effect of, on Northern attitude, 233-4; effect of, on Lincoln's re-election, 235 Atlantic Monthly, The, ii. 109 note; 279 and note

Bagley, Mr., ii. 224 Balch, The Alabama Arbitration, cited, ii. 129 note Baligny. See Belligny Bancroft, Frederic, cited, i. 117 note; analysis of Seward's object in Declaration of Paris negotiation, 150-3; view on Russell's aims in, 152 and note Life of Seward, cited or quoted, i. 106 note, 118 note, 130 note; 132 note, 138, 150-3, 186 notes, 191 note, 196 note, 200 note, 213 note, 231 note, 280 and note, 281; ii. 1-2, 96, 99 note, 143 note, 253 note, 258 note Banks, Governor, i. 37 note Baring, ii. 96 note Bath, Marquis of, ii. 193 note Beals, Mr., ii. 191 Bedford, Duke of, i. 96 and note Bee Hive, The, cited, ii. 293 note Beecher, Henry Ward, ii. 184 and note Beesly, Professor, speech of, at Trades Unions of London Meeting, ii. 292 Belfast Whig, The, i. 70 note; 231 note Belligny, French Consul at Charleston, i. 185 note, 186, 188, 189, 191 and note Bell's Weekly Messenger, quoted, ii. 104 Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, ii. 5; Mercier's interview with, i. 284, 285; report of, to Slidell on Mercier's visit, 284 note; instructions of, to Slidell offering commercial advantages for French intervention, ii. 24 and note; on idea of Confederate loan, 158-9; recalls Mason, 179; and recognition of the Confederacy, 217; on the attitude of France to the Confederacy, 236 note; plan of offering abolition of slavery in return for recognition, 249; otherwise mentioned, i. 292; ii. 88 note, 148, 154 note, 213 note Bentinck, i. 268, 269 Bernard, Montague: Neutrality, The, of Great Britain during the American Civil War, quoted, i., 100 and note, 137-8; ii. 118; cited, i. 171 note, 245 note, 246 note, 263 notes; ii. 136 note; on the American representations on the British Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 100; on Declaration of Paris negotiations, 137-8; on the Blockade, 263 and notes "Two Lectures on the Present American War": on recognition, cited, i. 183 Bigelow, John, ii. 71 note: France and the Confederate Navy, cited, ii. 57 note Retrospections of an Active Life, cited, i. 56 note, 217 note; ii. 71 note, 88 note, 128 note, 130 note; Gladstone and the Cotton Loan, 163 note; U.S. stimulation of immigration, 200 note; cited, 229 note; Quoted, ii. 254; advice of, on the political position in Britain; quoted, 290; cited, 295 note Billault, M., i. 288, 289 and note Birkbeck, Morris, Letters from Illinois, quoted, i. 25 Birmingham Post, The, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note; letters of S.A. Goddard in support of emancipation in, ii. 108-9 Bishop, Rev. Francis, ii. 224 Bismarck, ii. 203 Black, Judge, American Secretary of State, i. 52, 244 Blackwood, John, political views of, ii. 289 Blackwood's Magazine, ii. 279 note; on cotton and the blockade, 10; on French mediation proposals, 68; on the Emancipation Proclamation, 103; on democracy as cause of the war, 278-9, 281, 289 Blair, member of the United States Cabinet, i, 130 note, 231; ii. 85, 251, 252 Blockade of Southern Ports, the: Lincoln's declaration on, i. 83, 89, 90, 92, 111, 121, 122, 244, 245; commencement of, i. 245; method of warning at the port, 245, 246; as involving hardship to British merchants, 245-6; effectiveness of, 252-71 passim; effect on British Trade, 252, 254, 263; effect on Cotton Trade, 262; ii. 8, 9; statistics as to effectiveness, i. 268 note Southern Ports Bill, i. 246 et seq. Stone Boat Fleet Blockade, i. 253 et seq., 269, 302 British attitude to, i. 95, 244, 245, 246, 263 and note, 267, 270; ii. 5, 265; Parliamentary debate on, i. 267 et seq.; Gregory's motion 268 et seq.; press attitude, 246; Bright's view, ii. 14, 15 Confederate representations on, i. 265 Napoleon's view of, i. 290 Booth, assassinator of Lincoln, ii. 258, 259, 263 Border States, The: efforts at compromise, i. 49; sympathies in, 173; the "Border State policy" of Lincoln, 173, 176, 272 note; ii. 82; and Confiscation Bill, Lincoln's fears, 82; attitude of, to emancipation, ii. 83, 84, 87; not affected in Proclamation of Emancipation, 86 Bourke, Hon. Robert, ii. 187, 193 Boynton, Rev. C.B., English and French Neutrality, etc., cited and quoted, ii. 225 note Bright, John, i. 58 note, 77; quoted on Times attitude towards the United States, 55 note; view of the Northern attempt at reconquest, 72; views of, on the Proclamation of Neutrality, 108, 110; speech on Trent affair, 221-2; letter to Sumner on Trent affair, influence on Lincoln, 232; speech on Britain's attitude on conclusion of Trent affair, 241-2; view on the war as for abolition, 241; on distress in Lancashire, ii. 13, 14; view of the blockade, 14, 15; on the cotton shortage, 15; and Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 48; view of Emancipation Proclamation, 48 note, 105-6, 111-12; on England's support if emancipation an object in the war, 88-9; the escape of the Alabama, 120; at Trades Unions of London meeting, 132-3, 134, 291-3; support of the North, 132, 283-4, 290, 291-295; on the interests of the unenfranchised in the American conflict, 132, 295; on the unfriendly neutrality of the Government, 134; rebuked by Palmerston, 135; trouncing of Roebuck, 172 and note; on Britain's neutrality (Nov., 1863), 184; championship of democratic institutions, i. 221-2; ii. 132-3, 276-7, 282, 283; popularity of, as advocate of Northern cause, 224, 225; influence of, for the North, i. 58 note; ii. 224; Lincoln's pardon of Alfred Rubery in honour of, 225 and note; quoted on feeling of the British Government and people towards United States in Jan., 1865, etc., 247; confidence of, in pacific policy of Lincoln, 255 and note; quoted on the ruling class and democracy, 280; attack on Southern aristocracy by, 290; heads deputation to Adams, 294; eulogy of George Thompson by, 224 note Adams' opinion on, ii. 298; view of, in The Index, ii. 298-9; Laird's view of, ii. 134; Karl Marx's view of, 292 note; Lord Salisbury, quoted on the oratory of, 290 note, the Times attack on, 295-6 Otherwise mentioned, i. 69, 179, 289; ii. 68, 69, 132 note, 172 note, 186, 187, 191, 278, 281. (See also under Morning Star) British, See also under Great Britain British emigration to America, i. 23 et seq, 35; effect of American political ideals on, 23, 24, 25, 26 British Foreign Enlistment Act, ii. 116-7, 118; application of, in American crisis, question in Commons, i. 94; Russell's idea of amending, ii. 124, 196; Russell's advice to Palmerston on, 131; debate in Parliament on, 132, 133-4, 135; Forster and the violation of, 133; Government reply to Liverpool shipowners on, 142; Kearsarge incident, 202 British Press. See under names of Papers and under subject headings British Standard, The, i. 70 note British travellers' views on America, i. 23 and note, 24, 28, 30; ii. 274-5 Brooks, i. 80 Brougham, i. 94 note; ii. 282 Brougham, Lord, i. 19 Brown, John, raid of, i. 33 note Browning, Robert, pro-Northern sentiment of, i. 70; on stone-boat blockade, 256; on Slavery a factor in the struggle, 238-9; on British dismay at prospect of war in Trent crisis, 240; mentioned, 228 note Bruce,--, British Ambassador in Washington, ii. 255 note; report of American intentions against France in Mexico, 255 note; comment of, on Lincoln, Seward and Sumner, 262; warns Russell of probable American demands at end of war, 266, 268; attitude to "piracy" proclamation, 268. Otherwise mentioned, ii. 262, 269. Brunow, Baron de, Russian Ambassador: on British policy, i. 50-1, 74; interpretation of Russell's "three months" statement, 272 note; report of, on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 45 note; interview of, with Russell on joint mediation offer, 73 note Bryce, Lord, i. 30; ii. 188 note, 274 Buchanan, President, i. 16, 49, 52, 117, 259; ii. 278 Buckingham, James Silk, America, Historical, Statistic and Descriptive, cited, i. 29 Buckley, Victor, ii. 120 note Bull Run, Northern defeat at, i. 135, 154, 176, 201; as affecting Seward's policy, considered, 154, 155-6; effect of, in Great Britain: press views, 176, 177-8, 179; official views, 178, 179 and note; public opinion, 201 Bullock, Captain J.D., Confederate Agent in Britain, ii. 118, 129, 145; on the proposed use of the Laird rams, 122 note, 143; shipbuilding contracts of, ii. 156, 157; Secret Service under the Confederacy, cited, ii. 118, 149 note Bunch,--, British Consul at Charleston, description of Jockey Club dinner, i. 43; on Southern anti-British sentiment, 44 note, ii. 71 note; instructions to, on the secession, i. 53 note; appeal of, to Judge Black on seizure of Federal customs house, 52; characterizations of Southern leaders, 59; view of President Davis, 59; views on the South and secession, 59, 93; characterizations of Southern Commissioners, 63; negotiations of, with the Confederates on Declaration of Paris, 168 note, 184-6, 188, 193; attitude of, to the South, 185 and note, 103, 195 note; American complaints of, 187, 189, 193-4; recall of exequatur of, 184, 187 et seq., 193, 194-5, 201; defence of his action in the Mure case, 187, 188, 192, 199; subsequent history of, 195 note; view of, as scapegoat, 195 note; on attitude to the Blockade, 252 note, 253 note, 268; on Southern intentions, 252 note; view of Southern determination, 252 note; on Southern views of England's necessity for cotton, 63, 252 note; ii. 4, 5; on effect of the blockade on Southern cotton industry, 9 note; on burning of Mississippi cotton, 16 note, 17 note; on the American system of government as the cause of the Civil War, 278 note British attitude to the controversy over, i. 188-9, 190, 191, 194; French attitude, i. 189, 191 and note, 192, 201 note Lyons' views on Bunch controversy, i. 187, 193, 194 and note Russell's views, i. 187, 190, 193, 194 and note Otherwise mentioned, i. 66; ii. 88 Burnley, British Ambassador, report of, on prospective war with America, ii. 254 Butler, General, order to Federal soldiers in New Orleans, i. 302-4, 305; ii. 68; Palmerston and Adams controversy on, i. 302-5; Lord Russell's advice to Palmerston, 303, 304

Cairnes, Professor, ii. 224 note; pamphlet by, on "Slave Power," 112 Caledonian Mercury, The, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note California, acquisition of, by U.S., i. 15, 16 Callahan,--, Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy, cited, i. 261 note, 289 note; ii. 167 notes, 169 note Campbell, Lord, i. 271, 292; ii, 28, 77, 169, 172, 193 Canada: Rebellion of 1837 in, i. 4, 109; ii. 117; British fear of American attack on, i. 4; sentiment in, as affected by the American Wars against England, 8 note; suggestions of annexation to Northern States of the U.S., 54-5; "compensation" in, idea in British press, 54-5; and in views of American political leaders, 55; Gladstone's idea regarding, ii. 69-70; military defence of, in Trent crisis, i. 213, 241-2; views in, on Trent affair, 222 note; on British policy and defence, 222 note; view of the Times in, 222 note Free Trade policy and, a Southern premonition as to, i. 22 Reciprocity Treaty of, with U.S., ii. 198, 253-4 Otherwise mentioned, ii. 251, 254, 275 Canning, i. II, 12, 20 Cardwell, ii. 64 Carolina, North, joins Confederate States, i. 172 Carolina, South, secession of, i. 41, 43-44, 55; ii. 3-4; seizes Federal customs at Charleston, i. 52; requests Federal relinquishment of Fort Sumter, 117 "Caroline" affair, The, i. 109 Case, Walter M., James M. Mason--Confederate Diplomat, cited and quoted, i. 261 note; ii. 161 and note Catacazy, C., and mediation by Russia, ii. 251 note Cecil, Lord Eustace, ii. 187, 189, 193 Cecil, Lord Robert, supports Gregory's motion on blockade, i. 268; supports Roebuck's motion, ii. 171, 175-6; on Committee of Southern Independence Association, 187, 193 Charleston, S.C.: Sentiment to Great Britain in, i. 43, 44 note; seizure of customs house at, 52; British appeal on question of port dues at, 52, 244; "Stone Boat" blockade of harbour at, 253; evacuation of, ii. 248, 249 Charleston Mercury, "King Cotton" theory of, ii. 5 Chase, Secretary of Treasury, i. 115, 121; ii. 72, 283; quarrel with Seward, 72 Chase, W. H. (of Florida), quoted, ii. 4 Chattanooga, ii. 185 Cheever, Rev. Dr., ii. 224 Chenery, ii. 301 Chesney, Captain, cited, ii. 165 Chesson, F. W., ii. 224 Chicago Convention, the, i. 175 Chicago abolitionists, Lincoln and, ii. 49 note Chicamauga, Rosencrans defeated at, ii. 184 Chittenden, cited, ii. 130 note Christian IX, of Denmark, ii. 203 Clanricarde, Lord, ii. 168 Clarendon, Earl of, i. 199 note, 215; ii. 3, 51-8 passim, 63, 203 note; on Russell's mediation project and Lewis' Hereford speech, quoted, 57-8 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty: Seward's attack on British interpretation of, i. 113 Cobden, i. 77; quoted, on the Times, 222 note; opinion of Seward, 222 note; and Sumner, 222 note; on Palmerston's action in Trent affair, 226 note; letter to Sumner read at American Cabinet meeting, 232 Otherwise mentioned, i. 289; ii. 26, 67, 80, 95 and note, 166, 276 Collie, ii. 189 Collier, legal advice of, on Alabama, ii. 118-9 Columbia District, freeing of slaves in, ii. 83 Columbia, S.C., burning of, ii. 248, 249 Combe, George, Notes on the United States, etc., cited, i. 29 Confederate Commissioners to Europe, the: Bunch's characterization of, i. 63; unofficial interview with Russell, 85-6, 106, 158; protest against closing of British ports, 170 note; replaced by "Special Commissioners," 203; attempt to make use of the Trent affair, 214; British attitude to, not modified by Trent affair, 235; policy of, with regard to recognition and the blockade, i. 264-5, 267, 273, 300; acquire a "confidential" document, 265 and note; hopes of, from Parliament, 265, 266, 272; instructions of the first Commissioners, ii. 4 and note; failure of the first Commission, 4-5; suggest a treaty on African Slave Trade, 88 note; slavery abolition offer, 249 Confederate Agents' correspondence, collections of, i. 261 note See also under personal names Confederates, See under Southern States Confiscation Bill, The, ii. 82, 84, 85, 86, 92, 95; Lincoln's attitude to, 82, 84; Lord Russell's comment on, 97 Constitutionel, The, cited, ii. 236 note Continental Press and American News, ii. 71 note Corcoran, ii. 169 Cotton supplies and slavery, i. 13; in British-American commercial relations, 21, 22; British manufacturers' dependence on, 22; effect of the Civil War on, 55, 246; ii. 53; the crop of 1860 ... ii. 7 Blockade, The, and, i. 252 and note, 253; ii. 9; effect of, on price, i. 262, 270; Napoleon's views on, 290 England, need of, for, i. 196-7, 200 note, 294, 296; ii. 17, 99; cotton famine in, 294; ii. 6, II et seq., 16 note; cotton manufacturing industry of, in 1860-1, ii. 6-7, 8; first effects of the war on, 8, 9, 10. See also under Lancashire. France, necessity of, for cotton, i. 279, 290, 293, 294, 296, 300; ii. 17; Mercier's plan to relieve, i. 196-201 Gladstone's Newcastle speech, effect of, on price of, ii. 48; "King Cotton" theory, i. 63; ii. i et seq.; belief of the South in cotton as a weapon of diplomacy, 2-3, 4, 5 Southern orders for destruction of, ii. 16, 17 note; effect of, on British officials, 17 Cowley, Lord, British Ambassador in Paris, i. 88; reports French agreement with British policy on Southern belligerent rights, 88; in the Declaration of Paris negotiations, 88, 143, 156, 157, 158, 162, 167; conversations with Thouvenel in Bunch affair, 189; disturbed at French evasion of direct support, 189, 192, 201 note; in Trent affair fears war with America, 214; communications on Southern Ports Bill, 247 and note; view of French attitude on Southern Ports Bill, 247; on French policy in Mexico, 260, 261 note; ii. 46; quoted, on Thouvenel's view on mediation in Feb., 1862 ... i. 266 note; on Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 288; statement of, to Lindsay, after interview with Napoleon, 290; on the possibility of reunion, 290; on the blockade, 290-1; denial of Napoleon's "offer" to England, 290, 291; reports of, on Lindsay's mission, 291-2, 293, 295 note; conversations with Thouvenel on Lindsay, 291, 293-4; Napoleon's letter to, on Lindsay, quoted, 295 note; interview with Thouvenel on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 38, 39 and note, 46; on Napoleon's suggestion of joint mediation, 59; instructed to notify France of England's view of the war as ended and of attitude to Confederate cruisers, 266-7 Otherwise mentioned, i. 218 note Crawford, Consul-General at Havana, ii. 148 Crimean War: Anglo-French agreement regarding neutral commerce, i. 139 Crittenden, i. 49

Daily Gazette, The, cited, ii. 109 note Daily News, attitude of, during the American Civil War, i. 69-70 and note 1, 176, 181-2; ii. 230 note, on Lincoln's message to Congress, i. 176; letters of W.W. Story in, 228 Daily Telegraph, cited, ii. 50 note, attitude and circulation of, 189 note, 226, 230 note Dallas, American Minister to Great Britain, i. 62; lack of instructions on American intentions, 62, 108, 112; communications with Lord Russell, 62, 66, 74; despatches to Seward on Russell's intentions, 66-7; Russell's pledge of delay to, 67, 84, 85, 107, 108; report on proposed British joint action with France, 84-5, 86 Otherwise mentioned, i. 74, 96, 156 note Dana, R.H., cited, i. 218; The Trent Affair, cited, 203 note, 205 note, 237 note Danish question, The, ii. 203-5, 214 Darwin, Charles, quoted, i. 180 and note Davis, Bancroft, Times correspondent in New York, i. 56 Davis, Jefferson, personal characteristics of, i. 59, 81, 82: ii. 276; attitude of, in the opening of the crisis, i. 49; elected President of the Southern Government, 59, 81; foreign policy of, 81-2; aristocratic views of, on government, ii. 276; proclamation of, on marque and privateering, i. 83, 89, 90, 92, 111, 121, 122, 141, 160; defensive measures of, in the South, 172; on Bunch's negotiations on Declaration of Paris, 186; replaces Confederate agents to Europe, 203; and the African Slave Trade, ii. 88 note; proclamation of retaliation against Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, 106 and note; on England's conduct towards the South, 184; on Southern disorganization, 219; flight of, from Richmond, 248; approves plan of offering abolition of slavery in return for recognition, 249; capture of, 267 British views on, ii. 276 Bunch's characterization of, i. 59, 185 note Gladstone's Newcastle speech on, ii. 47 Otherwise mentioned, i. 163 note, 185 note, 254, 265 note, 283; ii. 5, 6, 176 note, 251, 252, 285 Dayton, American Minister at Paris, i. 129, 142, 143, 145, 150, 151, 163, 165, 167 note, 168, 200, 231, 300 de Brunow, Russian Ambassador. See under Brunow de Flahault, French Ambassador. See under Flahault Debats: French press views on military situation, cited, ii. 174 note De Bow's Review, eulogies of the South in, quoted, ii. 2, 3, 4; on cotton and slavery, 3; view of England's action on blockade, 4 Declaration of Paris, The, i. 102, 139-40; attitude of United States to, 140-1, 156; American offer of adherence during the Civil War, 104, 137, 141-2, 150, 151 Declaration of Paris Negotiation, The, i. 137 et seq., 184, 201; British suggestion to France in, i. 88, 91, 142, 146-7, 156, 157 and note; American offer of adherence, 104, 137, 141-2, 150, 151; convention agreed between Britain, France, and America, 142-3; addition of a declaration in support of British neutrality proposed by Lord Russell, 143-6, 149, 151, 154, 68, 170, 201; American rejection of convention, 145, 168, 201 American argument at Geneva on effect of British diplomacy in, i. 146 note Confederates: approach of, in the negotiation, i. 161, 164, 165, 166, 168 note, 184-6, 188, 192, 193; Confederate Congress resolution of approval in, 186 Convention, the, proposed by U.S. Cowley's opinion on, i. 167 and note; Thouvenel's opinion on, 167; Palmerston's suggestion on, 167 and note Seward's motives in, See under Seward Delane, editor of the Times: Palmerston's letters to, on American rights in interception of Confederate Commissioners, i. 207-8, 209; close relations of, with Palmerston, 229 note; ii. 145; anticipations of Southern victory, ii. 204 and note; on prospective war with America, 254; effect of Sherman's arrival at Savannah on, 245 and note, 300-1 Otherwise mentioned, i. 177, 178, 180; ii. 65, 289 de Lhuys, M. Drouyn, French Premier, ii. 59 and note, 60, 63 note, 168 Democratic element in British Society: lack of press representation, i. 24, 41 Democracy: British views on American institutions, i. 24, 28, 30, 31; ii. 274-5; view of the American struggle as a failure of, 276 et seq. passim; Press comments on the lesson from failure of American democratic institutions, 279, 280, 281, 285, 286, 297; bearing of the Civil War on, 299; aristocratic and conservative attitude to, 286, 287, 297, 298, 300, 301; rise of democratic feeling in Great Britain, 291; effect of the Reform Bill of 1867, 304 Derby, Lord (Leader of the Opposition), i. 76, 77, 79, 94 and note, 240, 241; attitude to recognition and mediation, i. 240; ii. 51, 52, 53, 54, 77; attacks governmental policy in relation to Laird Rams and Southern shipbuilding, 149-50, 197; approves attitude to Napoleon's mediation proposals, 154-5; speech in motion for address to the Crown on Lincoln's assassination, 263; attacks Government on American "piracy proclamation" at end of the war, 267-8; attitude to expansion of the franchise, i. 77; ii. 276, 303 and note Otherwise mentioned, i. 292, 295; ii. 51 note, 166, 210, 214 Dial, The, i. 70 note Disraeli, Benjamin (Tory leader in the Commons), i. 79; on Trent affair, 241; connection with Lindsay's motion, 292, 295, 296, 306; ii. 213 and note; approval of neutrality, ii. 77, 174 note; in Roebuck's motion, 153, 171, 174; attitude to stoppage of Southern shipbuilding, 197; speech, of, on the motion for the Address to the Crown on Lincoln's assassination, 263-4; Reform Bill of (1867) ... 3 03 and note Mentioned, ii. 270 note Donoughmore, Earl of, ii. 204 and note; reply to Mason, 250-1 D'Oubril, ii. 59 note, 62 note Doyle, Percy, i. 218 note Dublin News, quoted, i. 45, 46 note Dubuque Sun, The, ii. 22 note Dudley, U.S. Consul at Liverpool, ii. 118, 130 note, 144, 145 note Dufferin, Lord, i. 240 Duffus, R. L., "Contemporary English Popular Opinion on the American Civil War," i. 41 note; quoted, 41, 48; cited, 70 note; ii. 112 note Dumfermline, Lady, i. 224 note Dumping of British goods: effect on American feeling, i. 19, 21

Economist, The: attitude in the struggle, i. 41, 54, 57, 173-4; ii. 15, 173, 231 note; cited or quoted: on Lincoln's election, i. 39 and note; on impossibility of Northern reconquest, 57; on secession an accomplished fact, 174; ii. 79; on Bull Run, i. 179; on cotton shortage, i. 55; ii. 14, 15; on servile insurrection, 79; on Cotton Loan, 160, 162; on Roebuck's motion, 173; on extension of the franchise, 277; on American institutions and statesmen, 279-80 Edinburgh Review, The: attitude to slavery, i. 33, 45; ii. 281; attitude in the conflict, i. 42; ii. 50 note, 68; on recognition, 46 note; on the Emancipation Proclamation, 103; on the causes of the war, 281 Elliot, chargé, i. 14 Elliott, E.N., editor of Cotton is King and Pro-Slavery Arguments, ii. 3 note Emancipation, Proclamation of: ii. 74, 78, 80, 86 and note, 91; idea of military necessity for, 81, 82, 85, 87; Lincoln's alleged purpose in, 87; purpose of, according to Seward, 99-100; viewed as an incitement to servile insurrection, 49, 74, 98, 101, 103 note American reception of, ii. 101, 105 British attitude to, ii. 101 et seq.; Press denunciation of, 102-5, 106; public meetings in favour of, 106 and note, 107, 108; English women's support of, 109; Nonconformist support, 109, 110; Emancipation societies support of, 110 Confiscation Bill, See that heading See also Border States and sub-heading under Lincoln Emigration, British, to America, i. 23-4; ii. 200-1; Kearsarge incident, 200-1 England: cotton famine. See under Cotton. See Great Britain Erlanger & Co. and Confederate Cotton Loan, ii. 158-60, 161, 162 and note European opinion of the Civil War after duration of three years, ii. 219 Eustis, i. 204, 234 note Evans, William, ii. 224 Everett, Edward, Russell's letter to, on Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 166 note Ewart, question by, in the House of Commons, on Privateers, i. 90 Expatriation, American and British views on, i. 16

Fairfax, Lieut., of the San Jacinto, i. 205 Farnall's "Reports on Distress in the Manufacturing Districts," ii. 12 note, 20 Fawcett, Prof., ii. 224 note Featherstonaugh, G.W., Excursion through the Slave States, cited, i. 29 Federals. See under Northern Ferguson, Sir James, i. 268; ii. 175 Ferrand, attack by, on cotton manufacturers in the Commons, ii. 164 Fishmongers of London: Meeting in honour of Yancey, ii. 223 note Fitzgerald, Seymour, i. 306; ii. 25 Fitzwilliam, Hon. C., ii. 193 Flahault, M. de, French Ambassador, i. 88, 197, 260 note, 288, 291, 293; ii. 19 note, 45 Forbes, J.M., and Aspinwall, Mission of, in England, ii. 130 note, 297 Forbes, J. M., quoted on the Civil War viewed as a fight for Democracy, ii. 297 Forster, William E., i. 58 and note; a friend of the North, 58 note; ii. 224; quoted, on Harriet Martineau, i. 70 note; question in Commons on privateering, 94, 157; speech against Gregory's motion on blockade, 268, 270; speech on mediation and intervention in debate on Lindsay's motion, ii. 22; close touch with Adams, 22, 36; attacks Government in debate on Southern shipbuilding, 133; rebuked by Palmerston, 135; in Roebuck's motion, 171-2, 175; comment on Southern meetings, 190 and note Fort Donelson, Confederate reverse at, i. 272, 273 note, 274 Fort Henry, Confederate reverse at, i. 272, 273 note, 274 Fox, G.V.: Confidential Correspondence, cited, i. 257 note, 268 note; ii. 120 note; quoted, on Confederate ironclads in England, 130 note France: Naval right of search exercised by, i. 6; and American contentions on neutral rights, 18; Confederate Cotton Loan, attitude to, ii. 160 note Cotton: lack of, i. 279, 290, 293-4, 296, 300; ii. 17 Mediation and armistice, attitude to British unofficial overture on, ii. 38-9, 45-6, 59-60 Ministerial crisis, ii. 39, 45, 59 Neutrality of, i. 299; Northern sentiment on, ii. 225 and note Policy in the Civil War: joint action of, with Great Britain, i. 84, 88, 156, 166 note, 196, 249-50, 252, 259, 260, 284, 294; ii. 28, 75, 198; break in, 77 Press of, and the events in U.S., ii. 174 note, 236 note See also under Mercier, Napoleon, Thouvenel, and under subject-headings Fraser's Magazine, ii. 284; J.S. Mill's articles in, i. 240, 242; ii. 81, 90, 285 Fraser, Trenholm & Company: Confederate financial agents in Liverpool, ii. 156, 157 Frederick VII of Denmark: and Schleswig-Holstein, ii. 203 Free Trade, i. 21; ii. 304 Freeman, E.A., History of Federal Government, cited, ii. 152-3 Fremont, ii. 82

Gallenga,----, Times correspondent in New York, ii. 189 Gait, Sir J.T., i. 221 note; 222 note Galveston, Tex. i. 253 note; ii. 266, 268 Garrison, W.L., American abolitionist, editor of the Liberator, i. 31, 33, 46 and note Garrison, Garrison, cited, ii. 91 note, 111 note Gasparin, Count, cited, ii. 92 notes Geneva Arbitration Court: American complaint of British Neutrality, in, i. 138; American argument before, on Declaration of Paris, 146 note German opinion on the Civil War, i. 178 note; ii. 111 note; press attitude, 285 note Germany: the Index quoted on "aid given by, to the North," ii. 236 note Gettysburg, Battle of, ii. 143, 176 note, 185, 296 Gladstone, Thomas, letters of, to the Times, i. 32, 33 The Englishman in Kansas, i. 32 note Gladstone, W.E., i. 76, 78; fear of war with America in Trent affair, 215; influence of the commercial situation on, ii. 26; attitude to intervention, 26, 27, 30-1, 48, 57; Newcastle speech, 47 and note, 48, 49, 50 and note, 51 and notes, 55, 58; memorandum in reply to Lewis, 57; supports Napoleon's suggestion on armistice and blockade, ii. 64, 69; account of Cabinet discussion on Napoleon's suggestion, 65 and note; idea of offering Canada to the North, 69, 70 and note; and the Confederate Cotton Loan, 163 note; reply of, in Roebuck's motion, 170-1; quoted, on the American dispute as a blow to democracy, 282-3 Otherwise mentioned, i. 179, 200 note, 224, 266; ii. 59, 66, 77, 80 Goddard, S.A., ii. 108 Letters on the American Rebellion, cited, ii. 108 note, 109 note Godkin, E.L., Daily News correspondent, i. 70 and note Golder, Dr. F.A., cited, i. 53 note. "The Russian Fleet and the Civil War," cited, i. 227 note; ii. 129 note Goodenough, Captain, report of, on American readiness for foreign war, ii. 199 note Gorgas, Col., ii. 5 note Gortchakoff, comment of, on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 45 note; and idea of Russian mediation, 251 note; mentioned, i. 164 note; ii. 59 note, 66 note, 70 note Grant, General, capture of Forts Henry and Donelson by, i. 273 note, 274; victory at Shiloh, 278; captures New Orleans, 279; Western campaign of, ii. 164, 166, 184-5; capture of Vicksburg by, 176 note, 185; advance to Richmond, 217, 219; siege of Southern lines at Petersburg, 217; capture of Petersburg and Richmond by, 247-8; Times report of reverses to, 212, 227, 243; condition of his army, Southern account in Times, 227; W.H. Russell's comment on Grant's campaign, 232-3; Henry Adams, quoted, on, 243 Otherwise mentioned, ii. 215, 249, 256 Grant's The Newspaper Press, cited and quoted, ii. 231 note Granville, Lord, i. 76, quoted, 199 note; on difficulties in Washington and attitude of neutrality, 241; opposition of, to Russell's mediation plan, ii. 42 and note, 43, 44, 46; mentioned, i. 94 note; ii. 203 note Grattan, Thomas Colley, quoted, i. 36; Civilized America, i. 36 note Great Britain: Citizenship, theory of, i. 5-6 Colonial system: trade basis of, i. 17, 20, 21 Commercial relations with America after independence, i. 17 et seq., 22 Franchise, expansion of the, in, i. 26, 28; ii. 274, 276-7, 301, 302, 303, 304; effect of the American example on political agitation in, 274; connection of the American struggle with the franchise movement in, 276, 277, 278, 286; Radical acceptance of the challenge on democracy, 282, 283, 290, 298, 300; aristocratic and conservative attitude to democracy, 286, 287, 298, 300, 301 Policy toward America: conditions affecting, i. 2 et seq. 35; ii. 270; the right of search controversy, i. 6-10; territorial expansion 13-15, 16; extension of slavery, 13, 15; Mexican War, 15-16; commercial interests, 19-22; in the Civil War, 50-4, 58, 59, 79, 84, 136, 178, 199; ii. 270-2; influence of democracy in determining, ii. 303-5; policy of joint action with France. see under France. See also under Lyons, Russell, and subject-headings. Public opinion and governmental policy of, in relation to America, i. 15, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30 Public opinion and official views in, at the opening of the Civil War, i. 40-60; doubts of Northern cause, 48, 50; attitude to recognition of the South, 53 note, on secession, 54, 55, 57 Trade: exclusive basis in, i. 17, 20, 21; effect of American retaliatory system on, 20; free trade theory, 21; ii. 304; hopes from cotton interests, i. 22 Working classes in: Northern sympathies of, ii. 284, 285 note See also subject-headings Great Lakes: Armaments agreement, i. 4; ii. 253, 254 Greeley, Horace, editor of New York Times, attack on Seward by, i. 280 note; and Mercier's proposal of mediation, ii. 75; Lincoln's reply to, on emancipation, 92-3 Gregg, Percy, ii. 154 note Gregory (Liberal-Conservative, friend of the South), i. 90, 91 note, 267; motion of, for recognition of the South, 85, 91, 108; advice to Mason on blockade question, 267; motion to urge the blockade ineffective, 268-72; speech in Parliament on distress in Lancashire, ii. 21, 22 and note; quoted on attitude of Parliament to intervention and recognition, 155; view of Roebuck's motion, 175; question of, on the destruction of British property in America, 265; mentioned, i. 292; ii. 153, 164 Greville, Charles, quoted, ii. 3 Greville. Colonel, ii. 193 note Grey, Sir George, i. 163, 207; ii. 171, 263 Grimes, Senator, on the purpose of the Privateering Bill, ii. 123-4 Gros, Baron, ii. 167, 168-9, 170 Grote, George, quoted, i. 1

Haliburton, T.C., ii. 187, 193 note Hall, Capt. Basil, Travels in North America, cited, i. 26-7 Hall, Rev. Newman, ii. 111, 224 Hamilton, R.C., "The English Press and the Civil War," i. 38 note Hamilton, Capt. Thomas, Men and Manners in America, quoted, i. 27 Hammond, E., Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, i. 189; enquiry as to possible action of American Navy to intercept Southern Commissioners, 206-7, 210, 211 and note; on Foreign Enlistment Act, ii. 142; letter of, to Lyons, on seizure of Laird Rams, 147 note; quoted, on public opinion and Napoleon's proposal of mediation, 66; mentioned, i. 256; ii. 45 Hammond, Senator, of S. Carolina, quoted, ii. 2-3 "Hampton Roads Conference," The, ii. 252-3 Harcourt, Sir William, quoted, on Lord Russell's statesmanship during the American Civil War, i. 1; letters of, in the Times on questions of International Law, i. 222 note; ii. 63 and note; and see under "Historicus" Hardwicke, Earl, i. 94 note Harris, T.L., The Trent Affair, cited, i. 203 note, 205 note, 217 note, 227 note, 231 note; ii. 282 note; citations of anti-Americanism in Times, i. 217 note Hawthorne, Julian, cited, i. 47 Head, Sir Edmund, Governor of Canada, i. 129, 197 note Hertslet, Map of Europe by Treaty, cited, i. 94 note "Historicus," Letters of, to the Times, cited and quoted, i. 222 note; ii. 63, 104, 138 note Holmes, O.W., i. 37 note Hood, General, ii. 236 note Hope, A.J. Beresford, ii. 187, 189, 193 note, 281-2 Hopwood, i. 305; ii. 11, 18, 21 Horsfall, Mr., ii. 153 Horton, Wilmot, i. 23; Committee on Emigration to America, 23, 24 Hotze, H., Confederate agent, quoted on effect of Trent affair, i. 243; descriptive account of his activities, ii. 154 note; and the "foul blot" phrase, 240; and the Southern arming of negroes, 241; mentioned, ii. 68 note, 180 note, 213 Hotze Papers, The, ii. 154 note, 180 note, 185 note Houghton, Lord, ii. 265-6, 267 Hughes, Thomas, i. 181; ii. 224 note Hunt, James, The Negro's Place in Nature, cited, ii. 222 Hunt's Merchants Magazine, cited ii. 8 note, 14 note Hunter, Confederate Secretary of State, i. 264 Hunter, General, issues order freeing slaves, ii. 84 Hunter, Mr., editor of the Herald, ii. 213 and note Huse, Caleb, ii. 120 note, 159 Huskisson, cited, i. 20 Huxley's criticism of Hunt's The Negro's Place in Nature, ii. 222

Impressment by Britain: a cause of irritation to America, i. 6, 7, 8, 16 Index, The, ii., 33 and note; agitation of, for recognition of the South and mediation, 33-4, 153-4; on Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 51 note; views of, on Lord Russell and his policy, 51 note, 55 and note, 68, 69, 165, 196, 197; on reply to French joint mediation offer, 68-9; on Laird Rams, 150 note; quoted on Government attitude to the belligerents, 154, 164-5; connection with Hotze, 154 note; and the fall of Vicksburg, 165, 178 and note; on French press and policy of France, 174 note, 180; reports of, on Southern meetings and associations, 188, 190 and notes, 194 and note, 195, 239 and note, 240; comments on the Palmerston-Mason interview, 215-6; criticism of Palmerston's reply to deputation on mediation, 216; view of mediation, 217; defence of slavery in the South, 220-2, 240-1; criticism of the Times, 228; quotations from the French press on the war, 236 note; and the Presidential election, 236 note; on Germany's aid to the North, 236 note; on reception of Northern deputations by Adams, 245 note; on characteristics of Southern leaders and society, 287; view of Northern democracy, 287; denunciation of the Manchester School 298-9; cited, ii. 181 note, 186, 190 note, 199 note, 232, 241 note, 242; quoted, 192, 193 note Ionian Islands, control of, i. 79 Ireland: Irish emigration to America, i. 29; ii. 200, 201; enlistments in, for Northern forces, 200, 201; the Kearsarge incident, 201-2; petitions circulated in, in support of the North, 240 Italy, disturbances in, ii. 29

Jackson, Stonewall, exploits of, in Virginia: effect of, on Russell and Palmerston, ii. 38 Jackson, W.A., ii. 191 James, William Wetmore Story and his Friends, quoted, i. 228 and note; cited, 256 note James Adger, The, American war-ship, i. 208, 209, 210, 211 note Jameson, Professor J.F., ii. 154 note Japan: Seward's suggestion of a naval demonstration against, i. 126 note Jefferson, President, i. 7, 11, 18 Jewett, J.P., quoted, ii. 111 note John Bull, ii. 231 note; quoted, on slavery not an issue, i. 179; Bull Run, a blow to democracy, i. 179-80 Johnston, General: campaign against Sherman, ii. 248, 274 Jones, Mason, pro-Northern speaker, ii. 193-4. 195. 224 Juarez (Mexican leader), ii. 198 "Justicia," letters of, in the Times, i. 217

Kansas border struggles, i. 32 Kearsarge incident, The, ii. 201-2 Kelly, William, Across the Rocky Mountains, etc., cited and quoted, ii. 275 note Kennedy, William, Texas, etc., cited, i. 29 Kenner, Duncan F., Confederate Commissioner, ii. 249-50 Kentucky, effect of "border state policy" on, i. 173 Kinglake, views of, on Roebuck's motion, ii. 175

La France, cited, ii. 236 note Laird Brothers: builders of the Alabama and Laird Rams, ii. 120, 121-2, 129; prosecution of, demanded, 136; officially ordered not to send Rams on trial trip, 146, 149; Government's correspondence with, 146 and note, 149-50 Laird, speech of, in reply to Bright's attack on the Government, ii. 134 Laird Rams, the, ii. 121-2, 123, 124, 137, 140 et seq., 196; description and purpose of, 122 and note; British Government position, 133, 134; rumours regarding, 142-3; seizure of, 145-50, 179-80, 182; suit for damages, 151 note; British Government purchase of, 151 note; U.S. Navy plan to purchase, 130 note; usual historical treatment of the incident, 141, 147 and note Lamar, Confederate representative: account of Roebuck and Bright, ii. 172 note Lancashire: Cotton trade, distress in, ii. 6, 11 et seq., 21, 26, 29, 31, 240; attitude in, to Government policy, 10, 11, 13-15; attitude of the "Cotton Lords" to, 10, 16; Farnall report on, 12, 20; Northern sympathies of cotton operatives, 13, 285 note Cotton factories, statistics, ii 6 Cotton manufacturers, attack on in Commons, ii. 163-4 Lane, Franklin K., Letters of, cited ii. 129 note Layard, reply of, on Roebuck's motion, ii. 171, 173; on destruction of British property in America, 265 Le Siècle, cited, ii. 174 note, 236 note Lee, General, turns back McClellan's advance on Richmond, ii. 1; defeated at Antietam, 43, 85; retreat of, through Shenandoah valley, 43; advance in Pennsylvania, 163 note, 164, 176; defeats Hooker at Chancellorsville, 164; retreat from Gettysburg, 163 note, 178, 179, 297; defence of Richmond, 185, 217, 247, 248; surrender, 248, 255, 256-7, 265, 301, 303 Times, quoted or cited, on his campaign, ii. 227, 256, 296 Lees, Mr., ii, 220 Lempriere, Dr., i. 180; ii. 191 Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, i. 76, 78 and note, 94; ii. 52; views of, on the Civil War, ii. 50 and note, 51; article on "The Election of President Lincoln and its Consequences," i. 78 note; fears war with America in Trent affair, 215, 226; objections of, to mediation, ii. 44-6; Hereford speech of, in reply to Gladstone, 50 and note, 51, 55, 58; view of the Emancipation Proclamation, 52; action of, on Russell's proposed intervention, 52 et seq., 73-4; memorandum of, on British policy in opposition to Russell, 62-3; account of Cabinet discussion on Napoleon's armistice suggestion, 63-5; Hereford speech, effect on Adams, ii. 55; Palmerston's views on Lewis' attitude to recognition, 56; Russell's reply to Lewis, 56, 57 Liberator, The, Garrison's abolition organ, i. 31, 33 and note; 46 and note, 47; cited or quoted, 70 note; ii. 106 note, 107, 109 note; III note, 130, 184 note, 189 note, 191 note, 194, 223 and note, 224 note, 237 note, 239 notes, 240 note, 289 Liebknecht, W., ii. 301 note Lincoln, President, i. 115 Characteristics of, i. 115, 119, 120, 127-8; influence of, in Britain, ii. 276 Election and inauguration, i. 36, 38, 39, 48, 51, 64, 82, 110, 115; inaugural address, 38, 50, 71, 175; personal view of terms of election, 49; popular views on 79, 114, 115 Decision to reinforce Fort Sumter, i. 117, 118, 119, 120; and defend Federal forts, 118; attitude to Seward's foreign war policy, 119-20, 136; reply to Seward's "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration," 119-20, 124; modifies Despatch No. 10, 126-7; attitude to Schleiden's Richmond visit, 121 122; emergency measures of, 172, 173 Policy and views of, on:-- Blockade proclamation, i. 83, 110, 111, 244. See heading Blockade Border State policy of, i. 173, 176, 272 note; ii. 82 Confiscation Bill, attitude to, ii. 82, 84 Emancipation Proclamation of, See that heading Hampton Roads, Conference at, ii. 252-3 Intervention, on, ii. 36 Piracy proclamation, i. 83, 111, 160 Servile insurrection, ii. 83 Slavery: inaugural address on, i. 38. 50, 71, 175; view of the terms of his election regarding, 49; denial of emancipation as an issue, 239; ii. 88; reply to Chicago abolitionists on, ii. 49 note; declarations on, 78; conversations with Sumner on, 82; attitude to emancipation, 82, 83-4, 96; and anti-slavery sentiment, 83; denial of, as a cause of the war, 88; reply to Schurz on emancipation, 72; reply to Greeley, 93, 94; orders of, as to liberated slaves, 100 Trent affair; attitude to release of envoys, i. 231 and note, British view of, in, i. 225, 226, 230 Union, the: efforts to preserve, i. 49, 121; efforts to restore, ii. 82, 83, 93-5; reply to Greeley on, 92-3 Attitude of, to England, i. 301; curtails authority of General Butler, 305; settles quarrel between Seward and Chase; ii. 72; letter to Manchester supporters of the North, 109; drafts resolution for use in British public meetings on slavery, 113; British addresses to, 288, 290-1 Re-election, ii. 226, 234, 235, 238; expectations of his defeat, 226, 231; British Press views on, 234-5, 238; Punch cartoon, 239 and note; complaints of his despotism and inefficiency in press, ii. 176, 232; his terms to the South, 251, 252 Assassination of, ii. 257-8, 265; political effect of, in Britain, 301, and in Germany, 301 note; British sympathy, 259-64 Appreciations of, ii. 258-61 British opinion of, during the War, ii. 239 note Bright's confidence in, ii. 255 and note Lyons' view on, i. 51; ii. 258-9 Press views, i. 38-9; ii. 102-5 passim Schleiden's view of, i. 116 Influence of Bright's letters on, i. 232; pardons Rubery in honour of Bright, ii. 225 and note Otherwise mentioned, i. 59, 81, 149, 223; ii. 39, 68, 91, 109 note, 126, 225, 251, 278, 281, 297 Lindsay, William Schaw: descriptive account of, i. 267, 289; on the blockade and French attitude to intervention, 267; project of mediation of, 279; account of interview with Napoleon III, 289-90; interview with Cowley, 290-1; second interview with Napoleon, 291; effect of interviews on Confederate Commissioners, 292; refused an interview by Russell and Palmerston, 294-5, 296; third interview with Napoleon, 295; interview with Disraeli, 295, 296; proposed motion in Parliament, 301-2, 305-6, 307; account of a letter to Russell in explanation of his proposed motion, 305 and note; introduces motion in Parliament on mediation, ii. 18, 20, 21-23; withdrawal of, 23, 34; with Roebuck interviews Napoleon on recognition, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 173, 174-5, 177; suggestion by, on Confederate finance, 156; proposes a further recognition motion, 178 note; connection with Southern Independence Association, 193, 195, 204, 205, 206, 211; hopes of, from attack on Government policy in detaining Southern vessels, 185, 195, 196; hopes from Napoleon and from Southern victory, 204; fresh agitation for mediation and recognition, 205-6, 209, 210; interviews Palmerston, 206-7, 209; urges Mason to interview Palmerston, 207, 208, 209; interview with Lord Russell 209-10, 212-13; use of the Danish question, 206, 210; hopes from Disraeli, 213; postponement of his motion, 214, 215, 218 Friendship with John Bright, ii. 172 note; otherwise mentioned, i. 197, 268; ii. 25, 181 Lindsay & Co., ii. 157 Liverpool: change of feeling in, over the Alabama, ii. 129-30 Liverpool Post, The, cited on the Emancipation Proclamation, ii. 103 Liverpool Shipowners' Association, urges remonstrance on closing of Charleston Harbour by "Stone Boats," i. 256 London Chronicle, The, quoted, i. 46 London Confederate States Aid Association, ii. 191, 192 and note, 195 London Emancipation Society, ii. 91, 110; distinguished members of, 91 note London Gazette, The, i. 94 London Press, The, quoted i. 54-5, 68 London Review, The, cited, i. 46 and note Longfellow, H. W., i. 37 note, 55 note Lothian, Marquis of, ii. 187, 193 note Lousada, letter to Lyons on Trent affair, quoted, i. 220 note Lowell, J. R., i. 37 note, 236 Lushington, Dr., i. 207 Lutz, Dr. Ralph H., cited, i. 117 note; ii. 111 note; 121 note Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland, etc., cited, i. 117 note; ii. 285 note Lyons, Lord, British Minister in Washington, i. 42, 51, 114; attitude in the American dispute, 51, 53, 88 note, 93 and note, 254; ii. 237 note; on Southern clamour at Lincoln's election, i. 51; views on the personnel of the Northern Government, i. 59-60; view of Seward, 59, 60, 65, 114, 129; ii. 72; fears from Seward's foreign war policy, i. 60, 128-36 passim; efforts to prevent interruption of commerce with the South, i. 64, 65, 66, 72, 73, 244; views on the American controversy, 72, 73; advises joint action with France, 84; receives instructions on British policy, 87; and course of action if disavowed by America, i. 190; suspicion of French policy, 201 and note; survey of the situation after Shiloh, 278; farewell interview with Lincoln, 301; opinion of Adams, ii. 71 note; views on Lincoln and Davis' proclamations, 106; friendliness of Seward to, 72, 141, 176 note; report of improved relations on seizure of Laird Rams, 147, 182; report on "scare" at Lee's advance, 176 note; view after Gettysburg, 176 note; protests against Russell's motion to withdraw belligerent rights to the North, 182, 183; attitude to American public animosity towards Great Britain, 197, 198; on Seward's plan to collect import duties at Southern ports, 198; description of American readiness for foreign war, 183 and note, 199; on arrogance of American ministers, 199; advises quiet attitude towards the North, 226; view of Northern determination 226, 233; view of Lincoln's chances of re-election, 226, 233; on effect of the fall of Atlanta, 234; advice on Seward's demonstrations for electioneering purposes, 237; illness of, 233, 237; return to London, 237 note; appreciation of diplomatic service of, 237 note Diplomatic action and views of, in regard to: Belligerent rights to the South, i. 87; attitude to request for withdrawal, i. 274-5; ii. 198 Blockade, i. 64, 65, 66, 72, 73, 244-5; ii. 226; and legislative closing of Southern ports, i. 244, 246; communications with Seward on, 244, 245, 246, 250, 257; opinion on, 254 Southern Ports Bill, i. 246-50 passim Bunch controversy, i. 184 et seq.; view on Bunch's conduct, 187; conferences with Seward in, 191-2, 193, 194 and note; comment on Bunch's explanation, 192-3; attitude to American decision in, 193, 194 Cotton, i. 54 note, 64, 196-7; ii. 20 and note Declaration of Paris negotiations: alarmed by Seward's attitude, i. 151, 163 notes; view of Seward's refusal to see the despatch, 153 and note; communications with Confederates in, 161, 163 notes, 164, 165, 166, 168 note, 185, 188; view on the American proposal, 154, 162, 164 Emancipation, as an issue, i. 223 Emancipation proclamation, ii. 106, 113, 114 and note Intervention, i. 197; ii. 26, 36; fears commercial influence on policy, 26; See also Mediation infra Irish emigrants: enlistment of, ii. 201 Mediation, i. 284, 286, 297, 298-9; ii. 23, 37 note, 70; summary of Mercier's plan of, i. 298-9; report on French isolated offer of, ii. 75-6; on Russian suggestion of, 76 Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 281 et seq. passim; ii. 24 note; comment on the result of, i. 286; effect of, on, 287; comment on newspaper report of, 287 Privateering Bill, ii. 125, 126, 127 Proclamation of Neutrality, presentation of, to Seward, i. 102, 103, 132, 133, 163 note, 164, 184 Recognition of the South, i. 65, 66, 73, 197, 198; ii. 70 Seward's foreign war policy, i. 60, 128-9, 130, 132, 133, 136; advice to Russell on, 128-9, 131; anxiety as to Canada, 128, 129, 131 Slave Trade Treaty, i. 276 Slavery, i. 52, 73, 93 and note; account of changes in Northern feeling on, 223 Southern Commissioners, i. 65, 72 Southern shipbuilding, ii. 127, 139-141; on American War feeling over, 139-40 Trent affair, i. 210, 211, 221; instructions in, 212-4; anxiety for Canada in, 221

Otherwise mentioned, i. 43, 57, 59, 74, 242, 243; ii. 147 note, 170 Lytton, Bulwer, on dissolution of the Union, cited, i. 182

McClellan, General: advance of, on Richmond, i. 276, 279, 297, 298, 301; ii. i, 33; defeat of, by Lee, 1, 18, 33; rumoured capture of, 20, 21 note; Adams' opinion on rumours, 20, 21 note; British newspaper reports of capture of, 20, 21 note; removal of, 30; defeats Lee at Antietam, 43, 85; fails to follow up his victory, 43, 105; as candidate in Presidential election, 234 note, 238 McFarland, i. 204, 234 note McHenry, George, The Cotton Trade, cited, ii. 6 note, 13 note, 185 note Mackay, Alexander, The Western World, cited and quoted, i. 30; ii. 274-5 Mackay, Charles, i. 37 and note, 46 note; as Times correspondent in New York, ii. 176 notes; 189, 226 Forty Years' Recollections, cited, ii. 176 note "John and Jonathan" poem, quoted, i. 37 note Life and Liberty in America, quoted, i. 37 note Mackay, Dr., editor of the London Review, i. 46 note McKenzie, (Canadian Rebellion, 1837), i. 4 McLaren, Duncan, ii. 224 note McRea, opinion of, on Hotze and Slidell, ii. 180 note Madison, President, i. 11 "Madison's War," i. 4 Maine, State of: boundary controversy, i. 4, 9 Malmesbury, Lord, i. 79, 84, 149; ii. 25, 167 Manchester Emancipation Society, The, ii. no, 224 note Manchester Examiner and Times, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note; cited, ii. 136 note Manchester Guardian, The, ii. 231 note; cited, 181 note Manchester Southern Club, The: meeting of, and list of delegates, ii. 190 and note "Manchester Union and Emancipation Society," The, ii. 110; leading members and activities of, ii. 224 note Mann, Southern Commissioner to London, i. 63, 82, 85 notes; 264, 265, ii. 24 note, 241 See also under heading Confederate Commissioners Marchand, Captain, of the American ship, James Adger, i. 208; instructions of, to intercept the Nashville, 209, 210, 211 note Marcy, Secretary of State, and the Declaration of Paris, i. 140-1 Marryat, Captain Frederick: A Diary in America, etc., cited and quoted, i. 27 Martin, M. Henri, ii. 236 note Martin, T.P., theses of, on Anglo-American trade relations, ii. 8 note Martineau, Harriet: faith of, in democracy, i. 27; ardent advocate of the North, 70 and note; view of slavery as cause of the Civil War, ii. 79-80 Marx, Karl, and the Trades Unions of London meeting, ii. 291, 292 and note Maryland, and the Union: effect of "border state" policy, i. 173 Mason, James M., Special Commissioner of the Confederates to Britain, i. 183 note, 203; relations with Spence, 183 note, 266 note; captured in the Trent, 204 et seq., 234 and note; reception of, in England, 264; interview with Russell, 265-6, 267, 268; statistics of, on the blockade, 268 and note; effect of the failure of Gregory's motion on, 272, 273; hope in a change of Government, 273; views of, on capture of New Orleans, 296; comment of, on mediation after the Northern successes, 300, and Lindsay's motion, 305, 306-7; on the state of the cotton trade in England, ii. 10; request to Lord Russell for recognition of the South, 25, 28; and Slidell's offer to France, 24 and note; refused an interview: appeals to Russell for recognition, 27; view of the Emancipation Proclamation, 104; nominates Spence as financial adviser in England, 156; and Confederate cotton obligations, 157, 158, 159; and Confederate Cotton Loan, 161, 162; in Roebuck's motion, 167, 168-9, 172-3; opinion of Napoleon, 172-3; recall of, 179, 181-2; determines to remain in Europe, 182; hope from a change of Government, 185, 213-4; demonstration against, after a Southern meeting, 191; representations on Kearsarge enlistment of Irishmen, 201; interview with Palmerston suggested to, 207, 208-9, 214-5; returns to London, 212; opinion of Palmerston and Russell's attitude in interview with Lindsay, 213; suggests Disraeli to handle Lindsay's motion, 213; protests against clause in Southern Independence Association address, 220; attitude of, to slavery, 249, 250; interview of, with Palmerston, on Confederate offer to abolish slavery, 250; interview with Earl of Donoughmore, 250-1; quoted on Lee's surrender, 256 Correspondence of, i. 261 note Otherwise mentioned, i. 255, 263 note, 267, 292; ii. 19, 31, 147, 154 note, 185, 186, 195, 206, 241 Mason Papers, cited, i. 261 note: ii. 24, et passim Massie, Rev., ii. no, 190 note, 239 Maximilian, Archduke, i. 260; ii. 255 note Melish, John, Travels, quoted, i. 25 Mercier, French Minister in Washington: with Lyons attempts official presentation to Seward of Proclamations of Neutrality, i. 96 note, 102, 103, 132, 164; in Declaration of Paris negotiations 157, 158, 162, 163 note, 165; negotiations with Confederates, 163 notes, 164, 165, 184, 185, 191 note; plan for recognition of Southern independence, 192; plan to relieve French need for cotton, 196-201; supports British demands in Trent affair, 230; on withdrawal of belligerent rights to South, 275; efforts for mediation, 279, 298, 300; ii, 36, 37 note, 41, 70 note, 71 note 75, 76 note; idea of an armistice, 41, 47 Richmond visit, i. 280 ct seq., ii. 24 note, 95; Seward's acquiescence in, i. 280, 281, 282; consultation with Lyons on, 281-2, 283; result of, 284-5; report to Thouvenel on, 285; effect of, on Lyons and Russell, 287; New York Times report of, 287; effect of, in Paris and London, 287-8; ii. 95; effect of, on Confederate agents, i. 288 Southern Ports Bill, attitude to, i. 247 note, 248 note, 249; views of, on recognition, 285-6; belief of, in ultimate Southern success, 298; and isolated French offer of mediation, ii. 75; proposes Russo-French mediation, 76 note; precautions of, during Lee's northern advance, 176 note Bancroft quoted on, i. 280

Otherwise mentioned, i. 166 note 191; ii. 23, 40, 155, 270 note Merrimac, The, i. 276, 277 Mexican War of 1846, i. 7, 15, 206 Mexico, British influence in, i. 13; revolt of Texas from, 12-15; ii. 117 note; contract of, for ships and equipment in Britain, 117 note; British policy towards, after revolt of Texas, i. 13-14; war with United States, 1846 ... 7, 15, 206; expectation in, of British aid, 15; loss of California by, 15; joint action of France, Great Britain and Spain against, for recovery of debts, 259-60; designs of France in, 260; ii. 46; American idea to oust France from, 198, 251, 252, 255 note Mill, J.S., ii. 224 note; article in defence of the North contributed to Fraser's Magazine, cited or quoted, i. 240, 242; ii. 80-1, 90, 285; on Trent affair, i. 240, 242; on slavery, i. 240; ii. 80-1 Milne, Admiral, i. 211; Lyons' letter to, on Southern shipbuilding in Britain and American letters of marque, ii. 140, 141 and note Milner-Gibson, i. 226; ii. 36; attack on, by The Index, 298 Milnes, Monckton, i. 268 Missouri, State of, and the Union: effect of the "border state" policy, i. 173 Mobile, Ala., i. 253 note Mocquard: note of, on Napoleon's proposal on recognition in Roebuck's motion, ii. 167, 168, 169, 172 Monck, Viscount, ii. 140; approves seizure of Laird Rams, 147 Monitor, The: duel of with the Merrimac, i. 276; effect of, in Great Britain, 276, 277 Monroe Doctrine, The, i. 11, 12, 259; as a medium for American territorial expansion, 12 Monroe, President, i. 11 Monson, cited, i. 93 Montagu, Lord Robert, ii. 170; amendment of, on Roebuck's motion, 170, 171 Montgomery, Ala., i. 81, 82 Moore, Digest of International Law, cited, i. 137, 145, 195 note, 212 note Morehead, ex-Governor of Kentucky: speech of, at Liverpool, accusing Lincoln of treachery, ii. 105 Morning Herald, The, ii. 67, 68 note, 231 note; quoted, 67-8; cited, 215 Morning Post, The, i. 229; ii. 231 note; in Trent crisis, i. 226 note, 229; views on the conflict and democratic tyranny, 229; ii. 284, 285-6; on the war and the cotton industry, ii. 10; on Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 49 note, 55 note Morning Star, The, i. 69, 70 note, 179; ii. 191 note, 231 note; criticism of Times war news in, 228 Motley, J.L., United States Minister at Vienna: letter of, analysing nature of the American constitution, i. 174-6; urges forward step on slavery, ii. 98; reply to Seward on effect of Northern attempt to free slaves, 99; quoted on the hatred of democracy as shown in the British Press, 280-1; otherwise mentioned, i. 190 note, 191 Causes, The, of the American Civil War, i. 174, 175 Correspondence, i. 179 note, 184; ii. 33, 98 note, 106 note, 280-1 Motley, Mrs., i. 179 Mure, Robert: arrest of, i. 186-8, 192, 193 note, 201; Lyons' views on, 187-8

Napier, Lord, ii. 63, 66 Napoleon I., Emperor, i. 4, 8; and American contentions on neutral rights, i. 18 Napoleonic Wars, i. 4-7, 23 Napoleon III., Emperor: American policy of, ii. 39; differences with Thouvenel on, ii. 19 and note, 39 Blockade, view of, on the, i. 290 British policy: vexation at, i. 295 Confederate Cotton Loan, attitude to, ii. 160 note Mediation: hopes for, ii. 23, 59; suggests an armistice for six months, 59, 60 et seq., 69; request for joint action by Russia and Britain with France on, 60; British views on, 60-65; British reply, 65 and note, 66, 152, 155; Russian attitude to, 59 note, 63 and , 64, 66; offers friendly mediation, 75-6 Interview with Lindsay on, i. 289 et seq.; reported offer on, to England, 290, 291 Interviews with Slidell on, ii. 24, 57 note, 60 Mercier's Richmond visit, connection of with, i. 287, 288; displeasure at, 288 Mexican policy of, i. 259-61; ii. 163, 198 Polish question, ii. 163, 164 Recognition: private desires for, ii. 20; endeavours to secure British concurrence, 19-20, 38; reported action and proposals in Roebuck's motion, 166-77 passim; interview with Slidell on abolition in return for recognition, 249-50 Otherwise mentioned, i. 114, 191; ii. 32, 54, 71, 180, 204, 270 Benjamin's view of, ii. 236 note Mason's opinion of, ii. 172-3 Palmerston's views of, ii. 59 National Intelligencer, The, i. 297; ii. 49 note Neumann, Karl Friedrich: History of the United States by, cited, ii. 111 note Neutrality, Proclamations of: British i. 93, 94-6, 100, 110, 111, 134, 157, 168, 174; statements on British position, 99, 111, 163 note; ii. 265; British Press views on, i. 136 note French, i. 96 note, 102 American attitude to, i. 96-110 passim, 132, 135, 136, 142, 174; British-French joint action, 102, 132 and note; Seward's refusal to receive officially, 102, 103, 132 and note; 133, 164, 169; view of, as hasty and premature, 107-8, 109, 110, 112; Seward's view of, 134-5; modern American judgment on, 110 New England States, The, i. 17, 18; opposition of, to war of 1812 ... i. 7 New Nation, The (New York), quoted on Lincoln's despotism, ii. 232 New Orleans, i. 253 note; capture of, 279, 296; ii. 16; effect of, on Confederates, i. 296; Seward's promises based on, ii. 16, 26 New York, rumour of Russian fleet in harbour of, ii. 129 New York Chamber of Commerce, The, protest by, on the Alabama, ii. 126 New York City: anti-British attitude of, i. 29; idea of separate secession, 83 New York Herald, The, i. 56, 255; ii. 199 note New York Times, The, attack on W.H. Russell in, i. 178 note; quoted on Trent affair, 220 note; report of Mercier's Richmond visit, 287 Newcastle, Duke of, Seward's statement to, i. 80, 114, 216, 227 Newcastle Chronicle, The, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note Newfoundland fisheries controversy, i. 4 Newman, Professor, ii. 224 Newton, Dr., in Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, cited, i. 35 note Nicaragua, i. 16 Nicolay and Hay, Lincoln, cited, i. 126 note, 138, 146 note Nonconformist, The, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note Nonconformist sympathy with emancipation proclamations, ii. 109-10 Norfolk, Va., i. 253 note "No 290," Confederate War Vessel. See Alabama Northern States: Army, foreign element in, ii. 200 note Emancipation: identified with, ii. 220 Immigration and recruiting in, ii. 200 "Insurgent" Theory, of the Civil War, i. 96, 102, 103 and note, 111, 246 Intervention: determination to resist, ii. 35-6, 71 "Piracy" declaration, ii. 267-8 Public and Press views in, at the outbreak of the struggle, i. 42 Union, the: determination to preserve, i. 54, 55, 173, 236; ii. 226 Western and Eastern States attitude to the War, compared, ii. 53

Opinion Nationale, The, cited, ii. 174 note, 236 note Oregon territory controversy, i. 15 Oreto, The, Confederate steamer, ii. 118, 123, 131, 136 Ottawa Sun, The, cited, ii, 70 note Ozanne Rev. T.D., The South as it is, etc., quoted, ii. 195 note

Page, Captain, instructions to, on the use of the Laird Rams, ii. 122 note Pakenham, British Minister to Mexico, i. 13-14 Palmer, Roundell, Solicitor-General, i. 268, 271 Palmerston, Lord: Coalition Government of, in 1859 ... i. 76, 77, 78; on Seward's attitude, 130; on reinforcement of Canada, 130-1; statement of reasons for participation in Declaration of Paris, 139; suggests method of approach in Declaration of Paris negotiations, 156 note; on the object of the belligerents, 178; on British policy and the cotton shortage, 199-200; on possible interception of Mason and Slidell, 207-8, 209; action of, in Trent affair, 226 note, 229, 241; statement of, on British neutrality, 241; interview with Spence, 266; refusal to interview Lindsay, 295-6; letters to Adams on General Butler's order, 302-5; reply to Hopwood on mediation, ii. 18; definition of British policy in debate on Lindsay's motion, 22-3; sneers at the silent cotton manufacturers, 26; views of, on mediation, 31; participates in Russell's mediation plan, 34, 36, 40-44, 46, 51, 54, 56, 73; traditional connection with Lewis' Hereford speech, 50 and note; 51 note; on the folly of appealing to the belligerents, 56, 59, 73; opinion of Napoleon, 59; views on French proposals for armistice, 60-1; on British position in regard to slavery, 61, 78-9; approves Russell's speech on Confederate shipbuilding, 131; defends Government procedure in Alabama case, 134-5; accusation of, against Forster and Bright, 135; attitude to seizure of Laird Rams, 145; on the use of Napoleon's name in Roebuck's motion, 174-5, 177; the crisis over Danish policy of, 203-4, 210, 214, 216; interviews with Lindsay, 206-8, 209, 210, 213; consents to interview Mason, 207; opinion of, on the ultimate result of the Civil War, 209, 215; attitude to resolution of Southern Societies, 211; interview with Mason, 214-5; reply to joint deputation of Southern Societies, 216; reply to Mason's offer on abolition, 250; assurances on relations with America after Hampton Roads Conference, 255; attitude to expansion of the franchise, 276 and note; death of, 302 Characteristics of, as politician, ii. 134 Cobden quoted on, i. 226 note Delane, close relations with, i. 229 note Index: criticism of, in the, ii. 216 Press organ of, i, 229 Otherwise mentioned, i. 96, 168, 194, 262; ii. 19, 68, 90, 112, 168, 170, 173, 185, 188, 190, 249, 263, 285, 293 Papineau, Canadian rebellion, 1837 ... i. 4 Papov, Rear-Admiral, ii. 129 note Paris, Congress of (1856), i. 139 Peabody, George, quoted, i. 227 Peacocke, G.M.W. ii. 187, 193 note Persigny, i. 303; conversation with Slidell on intervention, ii. 19 Petersburg, evacuation of, ii. 248 Phinney, Patrick, and the enlistment of Irishmen in the Northern army, ii. 202 and note Pickens, Governor of S. Carolina, i. 120, 185, 186 and note Pickett Papers quoted, i. 243; ii. 155; cited, i. 261 note; ii. 69 note Poland: France, Russia, Great Britain and the Polish question, ii. 129, 163, 164 Pollard, The Lost Cause, quoted on attitude of England on the cotton question, ii. 5-6 Potter, Thomas Bayley, ii. 164, 224, and note Prescott, i. 37 note Press, British, the attitude of, in the American Civil War. See under Names of Newspapers, Reviews, etc. Prim, Spanish General, commanding expedition to Mexico, i. 259 Prince Consort, The, i. 76, 213, 224-5; influence of, on Palmerston's foreign policy, 224; policy of conciliation to United States, 228; Adams, C. F., quoted on, 225, 228 Privateering, i. 83 et seq., 153 et seq. passim Russian convention with U.S. on, i. 171 note Southern Privateering, i. 86, 89, 153, 156, 164, 165, 167, 171 note, 186. Proclamation on, see under Davis. British attitude to, i. 86, 89-92, 95, 158, 160, 161, 163, 166; Parliamentary discussion on, 94, 95, 157; closing of British ports to, 170 and note French attitude to, i. 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 165 Northern attitude to, i. 83, 89, 90, 92, 111, 163; Seward's motive against in Declaration of Paris negotiation, 162, 164, 169; Northern accusations against Britain on, 91 United States policy on, i. 141, 156. See Privateering Bill, infra See also under Declaration of Paris negotiation Privateering Bill, The, ii. 122 et seq.; purpose of, 122-3, 125, 137; discussion in Senate on, 123-4; passed as an administrative measure, 124, 137; influence of, on Russell's policy, 137; British view of American intentions, 137-8; historical view, 141; Seward's use of, 121 note Prussia and Schleswig-Holstein, ii. 203-4 Punch, cartoons of, cited: on Trent affair, i. 217-8, 237; on Stone Boat Blockade, 255; suggesting intervention by France, ii. 75 note; on Roebuck, 170 note; on Lincoln's re-election, 239 and note Poem in, on the death of Lincoln, ii. 259 Putnam, G.H., Memories of My Youth, cited, i. 178 note Putnam, G.P., Memoirs, cited, ii. 163 note

Quarterly Review, The, i. 47; views on the Southern secession, 47; on the lesson from the failure of Democracy in America, 47; ii. 279, 286, 301; attitude in the conflict, 199, 301; on British sympathy for the South, 301

Reader, The, cited, ii. 222, and note Reform Bill of 1832 ... i. 26, 28; ii. 276; of 1867 ... 303, 304 Republican Party, The, i. 114, 115 Rhett, cited, ii. 4 and note, 88 Rhodes, United States, cited or quoted, i. 110 note, 138, 217 note, 231 note; ii. 16 note, 57 note, 147 note, 285 note et passim. Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, cited or quoted, i. 261 note, 266 note; ii. 57 note, 69 note, 155 note, et passim. Richmond, Va., Southern Government head-quarters at, i. 81; capture of, by Grant, ii. 248 Richmond Enquirer, The, quoted on attitude of France to the Confederacy, ii. 180 Richmond Whig, The, cited, ii. 68 Right of Search controversy, i. 6-10 passim, 16; recrudescence of, in Trent affair, 218, 219, 233, 235 Robinson, Chas. D., Lincoln's draft letter to, ii. 93 note Roebuck, speech of, on recognition, ii. 34 note; motion of, for recognition of the Confederacy, 74 note, 144, 152, 164 et seq.; 296 note; W.H. Russell's views on, 166; Lord Russell's opinion on, 166; interview of, with Napoleon, 167; Parliamentary debate on, 170-2, 176-8; withdrawal of motion, 175, 176-7; subsequent attitude of, to America, 177 note, 299-300; opinion on the failure of democracy in America, 299-300; Punch cartoon on, 170 note; otherwise mentioned, i. 306 Rogers, Prof. Thorold, ii. 224 note Rosencrans, defeat of, at Chicamauga, ii. 184 Rost, Southern Commissioner to London, i. 63, 82, 85, 86, 264 Rouher, M., French Minister of Commerce, i. 293, 294 Roylance, ii. 110 Rubery, Alfred: Lincoln's pardon of, ii. 225 and note Russell, Lord John, i. 42, 76, 77, 78-9, 81; attitude of, in the early days of the American struggle, 42, 51, 53, 57, 60, 73-4, 79, 84; views on the secession, 52-3; views and action in anticipation of war, 57-8; instruction on possible jingo policy toward England, 60-1; recommends conciliation, i. 67, 74; refusal to make a pledge as to British policy, 67, 74, 86, 87, 101, 108, 125; promise of delay to Dallas, 67, 84, 85, 107, 108; plan of joint action with France, 84, 85; advises Parliament to keep out of the Civil War, 90 and note; uncertainty as to American intention, 201-2; ii. 237; interview with Spence, i. 266; "three months" statement, 272 and note; ii. 22; effect of Stonewall Jackson's exploits on, ii. 38; effect of Gladstone's Newcastle speech on, 49; idea of withdrawal of belligerent rights to the North, 182, 183; on relations with United States and Seward, 183-4; attitude to Seward's plan of collecting import duties at Southern ports, 198; views on the conflict: belief in ultimate Southern independence, 198-9, 212, 271; and the Danish question, 203; action in withdrawing neutrality proclamation, and belligerent rights, 266-7, 268, 269; attitude to piracy proclamation, 267-8, and the Reform Bill, 276, 302, 303; quoted on the degeneration of the American Republic, 285; succeeds to Premiership, 302

Diplomatic action and views of, in regard to: Alabama, the, ii. 120, 121, 124; interview with Adams on, 128, 131; private feelings on 121, 124, 130 Belligerent rights to the South, i. 86, 87, and note; reply to Houghton on, ii. 265-6, 267 Blockade, the: views on, i. 58, 91, 246, 252-3; instructions to Lyons on, 58, 244, 248, 263, 267, 271, 272; instructions to Bunch, 253 note; view on notification at the port method, 246; on British Trade under, 252, 253; aim in presenting Parliamentary Papers on, 252, 267; on irritation caused by, ii. 225-6 Southern Ports Bill, protests against, i. 247-51; instructions to Lyons on, 248, 249 Stone Boat Fleet, i. 254-5, 256 Bunch controversy, i. 186, 187, 190-5; letter of caution to Lyons on possible rupture, 190; anxiety in, 190, 191 Butler's, General, order to troops: advice to Palmerston on, i. 303-4; reply to Adams, 304

Confederate Commissioners: attitude to, i. 67, 68; interviews with, i. 85-6, 158; declines official communication with, 214 and note, 265-6; reception of Mason, 235, 265-6, 267, 268; suggestion to Thouvenel on reception of Slidell, 235; reply to Mason's notification of his recall, ii. 181; reply to Confederate "Manifesto," 241-2 Confederate Shipbuilding: reply to Adams' protests, ii. 118, 120-1, 127; advice to Palmerston on, 131; orders detention of contractors, 135; seizure of Alexandra, 136; stoppage of, 197; result of Alexandra trial, 197. See also sub-headings Alabama, Laird Rams Confederates: negotiations with, i. 161, 163, 166, 168 note, 170, 184; attitude to Thouvenel's initiation of negotiations with, 189; explanation to Adams of British attitude to, 190 Cotton supply: attitude to French proposals on, i. 197, 199, 294

Declaration of Paris negotiation: request to France in, i. 142, 146-7, 156, 157 and note; instructions to Lyons on, 146-62 passim, 184; interviews with Adams, 141-8, 158; proposals to the United States, 153 and note, 170; instructions to Cowley, 156-9 passim; suggested declaration in proposed convention, 143-6, 146 note, 149, 151, 154, 168, 170, 201 Emancipation Proclamation: views on, ii. 101-2, 107 and note

Foreign Enlistment Act: idea of amending, ii. 124; offer to United States on, 124-5; reply to Adams' pressure for alteration of, 149

Gregory's motion, i. 108

Irishmen: recruiting of, ii. 201-2

Laird Rams: conversations with Adams on, ii. 144; orders detention of, 144-5, 146, 150, 151; correspondence with the Lairds, 146; drafts protest to Mason, 147, 148 and note; reply to attack on Government policy on, 149-50 Lindsay: approval of Cowley's statement to, i. 293, 294; reply to request of, for an interview, 294-5; interview with, on motion for mediation and recognition, ii. 212-13

Mediation: advice to Palmerston on reported French offer, i. 305; reply to Seward's protest, ii. 19, 25-6, 27; project of, with Palmerston, ii. 31-2, 34, 36 et seq., 91, 271; instructs Cowley to sound Thouvenel, 38; letters to Gladstone on, 40, 41; points of, 46; responsibility for, 46 note; Russia approached, 45; memorandum on America, 49 and note; proposal of an armistice, 31-2, 49, 53-5, 56-7; comments on Napoleon's Armistice suggestion, 61-2, 64; wish for acceptance, 62, 64; declaration of no change in British policy, 71; end of the project, 72, 155; motive in, 73; viewed as a crisis, 73; comments of, to Brunow on joint mediation offer 73 note Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 287, 288

Privateering, i. 89, 91, 159-63 passim; possible interference of, with neutrals, ii. 127, 138-150; opinion of, on intended use of privateers, 138 Proclamation of Neutrality. British position in, i. 166 note; ii. 265-6

Recognition of the Confederacy: attitude to, i. 67, 74, 86, 87, 101, 108, 242, 243; ii. 54, 59, 77-8; influence of Trent affair on, i. 243; reply to Mason's requests for, ii. 25, 27; opinion of Roebuck's motion on, 166, 177; denies receipt of proposal from France on 168-9, 172

Servile War, ii. 80, 97, 98 Slavery, ii. 89, 90; view of Seward's proposal for transport of emancipated slaves, 100

Trent affair, view of, i. 212; letter to Lord Palmerston on War with America over, 215; on possible ways of settlement of, 224; instructions to Lyons on learning officially that Wilkes acted without authorization, 226 Policy of, in the American Civil War: i. 145, 202, 243, 299; ii. 271-2; declaration to Adams on, 55, 71 Attitude to Adams, i. 81; view of, i. 131; ii. 128 View of Lincoln, i. 189; ii. 263 View of Seward, i. 67, 68, 131, 235-6; improved relations with, ii. 72, 197 Criticism and view of, in The Index, ii. 51 note, 68, 69, 196 Otherwise mentioned, i. 96, 101 note, 198, 274, 277; ii. 190, 208, 254 Russell, Lady, quoted on Trent affair, i. 224 note Russell, W.H., Times correspondent, i. 44, 56, 66, 177; letters of, to the Times, 71, 177; ii. 229 note; on the secession, i. 56, 177; impression of Lincoln, 61 note; description of Bull Run, 177-8; ii. 229 note; abhorrence of slavery, i. 71, 177; American newspaper attacks on 178 and note; recall of, 178 and note; ii. 228, 229 note; on Napoleon's mediation offer, 68; on recognition, 166; editor of Army and Navy Gazette, ii. 68, 228, 229 and note; belief of, in ultimate Northern victory, i. 178 note, 180; ii. 68 note, 228, 229 and note; view of the ending of the War, 229-30; on campaigns of Grant and Sherman, 230, 232-3, 243; quoted on Delane, 254; on prospective war with America, 254; on failure of republican institutions, 277 My Diary North and South, i. 177 notes; quoted 44 note, 61, 71; cited, 124, 178, ii. 229 note Russia: attitude in Declaration of Paris negotiation, i. 164 note; convention with United States on privateering, 171 note; attitude to recognition of the South, 196 note; ii. 59; and mediation, i. 283 note; ii. 37 note, 39, 45 note; British approach to, on mediation, 40, 45, and note; attitude to joint mediation, 59 note, 63 and note, 66 and note, 70 note; on joint mediation without Britain, 76 and note; plan of separate mediation, 251 note; Seward's request to, on withdrawal of Southern belligerent rights, 265 and note; policy of friendship to United States, 45 note, 59 note, 70 note; United States friendship for, 225 Polish question, ii. 129, 163 Fleets of, in Western waters: story of, in Trent affair, i. 227 note; ii. 129 and note See also under Brunow, Gortchakoff, Stoeckl

St. Andre, French Acting-Consul at Charleston, i. 185, 186, 191 note Salisbury, Lord, quoted on John Bright's oratory, ii. 290 note Salt, price of, in Charleston: effect of the blockade, i. 270 San Domingo, Seward's overture to Great Britain for a convention to guarantee independence of, i. 126 note San Francisco, Russian vessels in harbour of, ii. 129 and note San Jacinto, the, i. 204, 205, 216 Saturday Review, The: views of, on Lincoln's election, i. 39; judgment of Seward, 39; views at outbreak of war, 41, 46; on Southern right of secession, 42; on Proclamation of Neutrality, 100-1; on reported American adhesion to Declaration of Paris, 146 note; on slavery as an issue: attack on Mrs. H.B. Stowe, 180-1; on blockade and recognition, 183; on duration of war and cotton supply, 246 note; on servile insurrection, ii. 80; and the relation between the American struggle and British institutions, 276, 277-8, 280; on the promiscuous democracy of the North, 277; on the Republic and the British Monarchy, 277-8; cited, 111, 231 note Savannah, Ga., i. 253 note; captured by Sherman, ii. 245, 249, 300-1 Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, cited, ii. 6 Schilling, C., ii. 301 note Schleiden, Rudolph, Minister of Republic of Bremen, i. 115, 116 note, 130; views of, on Seward and Lincoln, 115-6; offers services as mediator: plan of an armistice, 121, 122; visit of, to Richmond, 121-3; failure of his mediation, 122-3; report of Russian attitude to privateers, 171 note; on Trent affair, 231 note, 242; on Lincoln and Seward's attitude to release of envoys, 231 note; on attitude of Seward and Sumner to Southern Ports Bill, 248 note; quoted, on slavery, ii. 111 and note Schleswig-Holstein question, i. 79; ii. 203-4 Schmidt, Wheat and Cotton during the Civil War, cited, ii. 7 notes; 167 note; arguments in, examined, 13 note Scholefield, Wm., ii. 193 note Schouler,----, on diplomatic controversies between England and America, cited, i. 35 Schroeder, quoted on Erlanger's contract to issue Confederate Cotton Loan, ii. 161-2 Schurz, Carl, papers of, in library of Congress, cited, i. 117 note; advocates declaration of an anti-slavery purpose in the war, ii. 91, 92; cited i. 83 note Schwab, The Confederate States of America, cited, ii. 156 note, 158 note, 160 notes, 162 note Scott, Winfield, American General, on Wilkes' action in Trent affair, i. 218 Sears, A Confederate Diplomat at the Court of Napoleon III, cited, i. 261 note, 289 note; ii. 24 note Secession States, ports of, i. 253 note Semmes, captain of the Alabama, ii. 119 Senior, Nassau W., article on "American Slavery," i. 33; quoted, 33 note, 34 Servile insurrection, i. 271; ii. 83, 87; British apprehension of, i. 93; ii. 49, 79, 80, 81, 101, 110; emancipation viewed as provocative of, 49, 81, 86, 98, 101, 114; as an argument for intervention, 98, 101, 103 note; use of as a threat, 18-19, 83, 94, 95, 97, 98, 100, 114 Seward, W.H., American Secretary of State, i. 39, 49, 59, 60, 64, 79, 80, 115; British view of, 60, 80, view of, as unfriendly to Great Britain, 39, 67, 68, 113-4, 125 et seq. 242; reputation as a politician, 80, 114, 115; efforts of, to secure European support for the North, 67, 137, 152; view of his relation to Lincoln, 114, 115-6, 118, 120, 127-8, 130; document "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration," 118-9, 123, 124; advice on Fort Sumter, 118, 120; his "Despatch No. 10", 125-30, 154, 155; reversal of his policy, 130, 132; action on Britain's necessity of intercourse with the South, 164; instructions to American diplomats on slavery as issue, i. 176; ii. 95; offers facilities for transport of British troops, i. 213 note; change of attitude to England, ii. 72; quarrel with Chase, 72; influence of, lessened by signing Abolition Proclamation, 100 note; friendliness to Lyons, 72, 141; appreciation of Russell's expression of esteem, 147; attitude to Russell, 197; policy in regard to reunion, 197; plan of collecting import duties at Southern ports, 198; tests British-French harmony, 198; anxiety to avoid irritating incidents, 199; considers abrogation of treaties with Canada, 253-4; denies rumours of prospective foreign war, 254; accepts notification of ending of British neutrality, 268-9; meets with an accident, 257; attempted murder of, 257-8, 265 Diplomatic action and views of, with regard to: Belligerent rights to South denial of, i. 87, 102, 169, 233, ii. 182; remonstrance on concession of, i. 247, 274, proposes withdrawal of, ii. 264-5, 266; See also under Declaration of Paris and Neutrality infra. Blockade, i. 54 note, 65, 246, 295; interviews with Lyons on, 244, 245, 246, 251, 256, 257; suggested alleviation of, i. 274 Southern Ports Bill: reassures Lord Lyons' on American intentions in, i. 249; attitude to issue of, 248 note, 250, 251, 252; on closing of ports by proclamation, 250, 252 Stone Boat Fleet blockade: statement on, i. 256-7 Bunch affair, i. 184, 189, 191 and note, 192, 193, 194 and note Confederate debts: statement on, ii. 197 Confederate envoys: British intercourse with, i. 105 Confederate shipbuilding in Britain: ii. 121, 139, 140; effect of seizure of the Alexandra on, 140; despatch on Alexandra case decision, 143 and note; refuses to allow British Consul through the blockade, 148 Cotton: on proposed French intervention to secure, i. 198, 200; promises of, based on capture of New Orleans, ii. 16 Declaration of Paris negotiation, i. 137, 141, 145, 147, 150 et seq.; statement in refusing convention as modified by Russell, 145; motives in, 150-2, 153, 169; hope to influence foreign attitude to Southern belligerent rights, 150-1, 162, 164, 165, 169; as part of foreign war policy: considered, 153-4, 155-6 Emancipation Proclamation: urges postponement of, ii. 37. 85, 95, 96, 98, 114; informed as to effect of, on intervention, 98, 99 comments on purpose of, 99-100 the "high moral purpose" argument, ii. 100; proposes convention for transport of emancipated slaves, 100 Hampton Roads Conference, ii. 252; attitude to Britain after, 253-4 Intervention: attitude to, i. 145, 178, 200; threat of servile war and, ii. 18-19, 22, 95; instructions to Adams on, 35-6, 96-7; view of the effect of emancipation, on, 98, 114. See also Mediation infra. Irish Emigrants: enlistment of, ii. 201 Mediation: attitude to, i. 283 note, 297; ii. 18, 57 note; by France, i. 283 note; by Russia, 283 note; view of England's refusal to act with France in, ii. 71, 72; declines French offer of, 76 See also Intervention supra. Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 280-4, 286; statement to Lyons: view of Confederate position, 286; newspaper statement on, 287 Napoleon's Mexican policy: attitude to, ii. 198 Neutrality Proclamations: representations on, i. 100, 101; despatch on American view of, 101, 103 note, 134; refusal to receive officially, 102-3, 132, 133, 153 and note, 164; efforts to secure recall of, 152-3, 169, 198, 234, 274-5, 300, 301 Privateering, i. 160; convention with Russia, 171 note. See also Southern Privateering infra. "Privateering Bill:" use of, ii. 121 note, 141, 151; on the purpose and use of the privateers, 122-3, 125, 137, 143; conversations with Lyons on, 125, 126; on necessity for issuing letters of marque, 126, 143; advised by Adams against issue of privateers, 131, 139 Recognition of Southern Independence, i. 65, 74, 198 Servile War threat, ii. 18-19, 22, 83, 95, 98 Slave Trade Treaty with Great Britain, i. 10, 275, 276; ii. 90 Southern privateering: view of, i. 104, 105; efforts to influence European attitude to, i. 104, 150-1, 154, 162, 164, 169; attitude on issue of privateers from British ports, ii. 126, 127 Trent affair: reception of British demands in, i. 230, 232, 233; on Wilkes' action, 231; attitude to release of envoys, 231 and note, 232, 233, 234, 236; British opinion on Seward in, 239 Foreign Policy: high tone, i. 236, 252 and note, 301; restoration of the Union as basis of, 236; influences affecting, ii. 95, 100 Foreign war panacea, i. 60, 113, 120, 123-4, 125, 126 note, 127, 130, 132, 134-5, 137, 154, 155, 214; appreciation of, 136. Southern conciliation policy of, i. 49, 83, 117, 118, 120-1, 123, 125; expectations from Union sentiment in the South, 60, 117; aids Schieiden's Richmond visit, 121-3; communications with Confederate Commissioners, 117-8, 120 Appreciation and criticism of: by British statesmen and press in 1865.... ii. 257; Times tribute to, 257; Horace Greeley's attack on, i. 280 note; Gregory's attack on, i. 269; Lyons' view of, i. 59, 60; Adams' admiration for i. 80, 127 British suspicion of, i. 113, 114, 128, 133, 136, 227, 235-6; ii. 101 note; the Newcastle story, 80, 114, 216, 227; Thurlow Weeds' efforts to remove, 227; Adams' view, 227 Otherwise mentioned, i. 66, 163 notes, 177, 186, 188, 209, 212, 213, 217; ii. 39, 84, 123 note, 170, 173, 175, 223, 225, 245 note, 259, 281 Shelburne, Earl of, i. 240 Sheridan's campaign in the Shenandoah, views in French press on, ii. 236 note Sherman, General: Atlanta campaign of, ii. 217; captures Atlanta, 233; march to the sea, 243-5; captures Savannah, 245, 249, 300-1; campaign against Johnston, 248; reports of pillaging and burning by his army, 265; mentioned, 215 Russell, W.H., views of, on Sherman's campaigns, ii. 230, 232-3, 243 Times view of his campaigns, ii. 212, 227, 232, 243-6 Shiloh, General Grant's victory at, i. 278 Shipbuilding by Confederates in neutral ports, ii. 116, 117 note, 128; Continental opinion of international law on, 121 note Shipping Gazette, quoted, ii. 14 Shrewsbury, Earl of, cited on democracy in America and its failure, ii. 282 Slavery: cotton supplies and, i. 13; controversy in America on, 32, 36; English opinion on, 31-5, 37-8, 40; as an issue in the Civil War, 45, 46, 173, 175, 176, 179, 181, 241, 242; ii. 78, 88-93, 222; Confederates identified with, i. 71; ii. 220; Southern arguments for, 3 and note; attitude of the North to, 78; growth of anti-slavery sentiment, 83, 84; failure of the slaves to rise, 86; Northern declaration on, urged, 98-9, 107; British public meetings on, 109 note; Southern declaration on, 106. See also African Slave Trade, Emancipation, Servile Insurrection, etc. Slidell, John, "Special Commissioner of the Confederates" to France, i. 203; captured on the Trent, 204-5, 234 and note; connection of with Napoleon's Mexican policy, 261 note; plan of action of, 264-5; received by Thouvenel, 266 note; view on Continental and British interests in the blockade, 267 note, 273; view of Mercier's Richmond visit, 228; on Lindsay's interviews with Napoleon, 292; views of, on the capture of New Orleans, 296; idea to demand recognition from France, 306, 307; ii. 25, 28; hopes of mediation by France, ii. 19, 25; interview of, with Napoleon, 23, 24; makes offers to Napoleon and to Thouvenel, 24, 25; letter to Benjamin on failure to secure intervention, 29; interview with Napoleon on Armistice, 59 and note, 60; memorandum of, to the Emperor, asking for separate recognition, 75; on shipbuilding for Confederates in France, 128; quoted on position of France in relation to mediation, 155; and Confederate Cotton Loan, 158 and note, 159, 161, 163; interview of, with Napoleon, on recognition, 167; and Napoleon's instruction on recognition in Roebuck's motion, 168-9, 172; and Mason's recall, 180, 181, 182; opinion of Russell, 213; suggestion on Lindsay's motion, 213; disappointment at result of Mason's interview with Palmerston, 215; opinion on European attitude to the South, 215; interview with Napoleon on the abolition of slavery in return for recognition, 249-50; quoted on Lee's surrender 256-7; appreciation of as diplomatic agent, ii. 25, 180 note; correspondence of, i. 261 note; otherwise mentioned, ii. 154 note. See also under heading Confederate Commissioners Smith, Goldwin, ii. 136 note, 189 note; on Gladstone and Canada, 69, 70 note; quoted on the influence of the Times, 178 note, 189 note; on the Daily Telegraph, 189 note; tribute of, to T.B. Potter, 224 note; view of the Times attitude to democracy, 299; criticism of the privileged classes of Great Britain, 303-4 America and England in their present relations, quoted, ii. 304, and note Civil War, The, in America, cited, ii. 223 note, 224 note; quoted, 304 note Does the Bible sanction American Slavery?" ii. 110 Letter, A, to a Whig Member of the Southern Independence Association, ii. 194-5; quoted, 299 Smith, T.C., Parties and Slavery, cited, ii. 3 note Society for Promoting the Cessation of Hostilities in America, ii. 207; letters of, to Members of Parliament, 207-8, 210-11; deputation of, to Palmerston, 216 Somerset, Duke of, i. 207 South Carolina, secession of, i. 41, 44; Times view on, 55; and restoration of Colonial relations: some British misconceptions on, 43, 44 and note Southern Independence Association, The, ii. 185, 189, 191-5, 204, 220, 298; cessation of meetings of, 193-4, 222-3; apathy and dissension in, 205, 207, 208; resolution and deputation to Palmerston, 210-2, 216; ticket meetings, 239; Oldham meeting, 239, 240 Southern Ports Bill. See Blockade Southern States: attitude of, to protection policy, i. 21, 47; and reciprocity treaty with British-American provinces, 21-2; influences directing British trade to, 22; British press attitude to, 40-48 passim; characterization of, 41; right of secession, 42, 82, 175, 176, 269; tariff as a cause for secession, 47; question of recognition considered, 58; secession, 172-3; preparations for war, 172; recognized as belligerents, 190, 191, 172; expulsion of British Consuls, by, ii. 148 note; activities of British friends of, 152, 187-8, 190, 193-4, 239, 298; Conservative hopes for success of, 300; views on French attitude, ii. 236 note; effect of the fall of Savannah on, 246; end of the Confederacy, 248, 259, 268; hope of, from "foreign war," 252; effect on, of Lincoln's assassination 258; withdrawal of belligerent rights to, 264-6; end of the war; naval policy towards, 266-7 Belligerent rights, recognition of, i. 87, 88, 95, 108, 109, 150, 151, 155, 166 note. See Neutrality Proclamations. Commissioners of, See under Confederate Commissioners Cotton, obsession as to, i. 252 note; ii. 4, 5 Cotton Loan, ii. 155 et seq. 179; reception of, in England, 160-1; amounts realized by, 162 Declaration of Paris negotiation: attitude to, i. 186 Finance, ii. 156 et seq. Hampton Roads Conference: suggestions in, ii. 252-3 Leaders of: British information on, i. 58-9 Manifesto to Europe, ii. 241 and note, 242 Mediation: feeling in, on England's refusal of, ii. 71 and note; hope of change in British policy on, 213-4 Military resources: decline of, ii. 219; desertions from the Army, 222 Negroes, arming of, ii. 240-1, 251 Privateering. See that heading. Recognition of independence: anger at failure to secure, i. 252 note; desire for, without mediation, ii. 217 Secret service funds, ii. 154 note Shipbuilding in British ports for, ii. 115 et seq.; British protest to, on, 148. See also under Alabama, Laird Rams, Oreto, etc. Slavery attitude, ii. 88 and note; intention of gradual emancipation, 98; British views on, 220; offer of abolition in return for recognition, 249-51 Spain, and Mexican debts, i. 259, 260 Spargo, Karl Marx, cited, ii. 292 note Spectator, The, i. 70 note; ii. 231 note; constant advocacy of Northern cause, i. 39; on Lincoln's election, 39; views on the Civil War, 41, 69, 100, 181; on secession, 57; on Proclamation of Neutrality, 100, 136 note; attacks Bulwer Lytton's speech on dissolution of the Union, 182; on servile insurrection and emancipation, ii. 79, 80; on British Press attitude to emancipation, 89; on declaration of anti-slavery purpose in the war, 89; on the Emancipation Proclamation, 104-5; on British lack of sympathy with the North, 280; on anti-slavery sympathies and view of democracy in England, 280; otherwise mentioned, i. 180; ii. 105, 223 note, 282 Spence, James, i. 183 note, 266 and note; conferences of, in London, 266, 267, 272 and note, 273; prevents demonstration by cotton operatives, 300; plan to appeal to the Tories, ii. 153, 155, 164; as Confederate financial adviser, 156, 157, 158; and Confederate Cotton Loan, 159, 161-2; urges withdrawal of Roebuck's motion, 173-4; effect of the fall of Vicksburg on, 179; organization of Southern Clubs by, 186-7, 188, 189, 190; hopes for intervention, 187-8, 189-90; organization of Southern Independence Association by, 191; organization of meetings by, 191, 222-3; organizes petitions to Parliament, 193; comments of, on the Palmerston-Mason interview, 216-7; on slavery clause in Southern Independence Association's address, 220 Slidell's opinion of, i. 266 note; ii. 159; Otherwise mentioned, i. 302; ii. 49 note, 181, 193 The American Union, i. 183 and note, 266 note; ii. 112 Spencer, Herbert, quoted, i. 38 Spurgeon, C. H., prayer of, for victory of the North, ii. 109-110 Stanley of Alderley, Lord, ii. 42 Stephen, Leslie, meeting of, with Seward, ii. 176 note Stephens, Alexander H., Vice-President of Southern Government, i. 59, 81, 121; interview of, with Schleiden, 122, 123; discussion of, with Seward on Confederate foreign war plan, ii. 252 Stevenson, American Minister to London, letter of, to Palmerston, quoted, i. 109-10 Stoeckl, Russian Minister at Washington: view of the secession, i. 53 note; on Russian policy in Declaration of Paris negotiations, 164 note; on privateers in Northern Pacific, 171 note; and recognition of the South, 196 note, and Mercier's Richmond visit, 283 and note; on mediation, 283 note; ii. 37 and note, 59 note, 70 note, 76; comments of, on Emancipation Proclamation, 107 note; on the reconciliation of North and South followed by a foreign war, 251; Seward's request to, on withdrawal of Southern belligerent rights, 265; views on probable policy of Britain at the beginning of the Civil War, 269-70, 271; on the Civil War as a warning against democracy, 297 note; Otherwise mentioned, i. 54 note; ii. 45 note Stone Boat Fleet. See Blockade. Story, William Wetmore, i. 228, 256; letters of, in Daily News, 228 and note Stowe, Mrs. Harriet Beecher, and the Saturday Review, i. 181; mentioned, ii. 89-90, 109 Uncle Tom's Cabin, i. 33 and note Stowell, Lord, i. 208 Stuart--, British Minister at Washington: report of new Northern levies of men, ii. 30; on recognition, 30 and note; views on British policy, 30 note; attitude to intervention and recognition, 36, 37, 66 note; report of Lincoln's emancipation proclamation, 37, 98; suggestion of armistice, 47; account of Federal "reprisals," 66 note; on servile insurrection, 97; describes Emancipation proclamation as a brutum fulmen, 101 Otherwise mentioned, ii. 25, 26, 66 note, 70, 100, 101 note Sturge, Joseph, A Visit to the United States in 1841, cited, i. 29 Sumner, Charles, i. 79, 80; Brooks' attack on, 33, 80; hope of, for appointment as Minister to England, 55 and note; views on annexation of Canada, 55; in Trent affair, 231, 232, 234 note; attitude to Southern Ports Bill, 248 and note; advocacy of abolition, ii. 81, 90; conversations with Lincoln on abolition, 82, 86; attitude to Privateering Bill, 123, 124; otherwise mentioned, i. 49 note, 83, 130 note, 220; ii. 80, 132, 184, 247, 262, 280 Sumter, Fort, fall of, i. 63, 73, 74, 83, 120, 172, 173; Seward's policy on reinforcement of, 118 Sutherland, Rev. Dr., prayer of in American Senate, i. 233 note

Tariff Bill (U.S.) of 1816, i. 19; of 1828, 21 Taylor, P.A., abolitionist, ii. 224; eulogy of George Thompson, 224 note Taylor, Tom, poem by, in Punch, on the death of Lincoln, ii. 259 Tennessee joins Confederate States, i. 173 Texas, State of: revolts from Mexico, i. 12; Great Britain sends diplomatic and consular agents to, 12; independence of, as affecting British policy, 13-16; enters the American Union, 14, 15, 16; in War of Independence against Mexico protests against shipbuilding for Mexico in Britain, ii. 117 note; mentioned, 266 Thompson and Wainwright, Confidential Correspondence of G.V. Fox, etc., cited, i. 257 note Thompson, George, organizer of the London Emancipation Society, ii. 91; work of, for emancipation, 109, 224 and note; mentioned, 109 note, 184, 191 Thouvenel, M., French Foreign Minister, i. 88, 143; in the Declaration of Paris negotiations, 151, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163; initiates negotiations with Confederates, 157, 189; policy of, for relief of French need for cotton, 196, 197, 198; attitude of, in Charleston consuls case, 189; and Southern Ports Bill, 247, 248 and notes, 249 and note; interview with Slidell, 266 note; attitude of, to mediation, 266 note, 279; ii. 19-20, 28; on difficulties due to lack of cotton, i. 279, 293-4; conversations on Lindsay's interview with Napoleon, 291, 293; and Mercier's Richmond visit, 280, 281, 282, 285, 288, 299; conversation with Napoleon on the blockade and recognition of the South, 294; on French neutrality, 299; opposition to Napoleon on American policy, ii. 19 and note, 20, 39; Slidell's offer to, on mediation, 24, 25; reply of, to Russell's unofficial suggestion of mediation, 38-9, 46; retirement of, 45, 59; view of England's advantage from dissolution of the Union, 270 note; otherwise mentioned, i. 275, 289 Times, The: characteristics of, as newspaper, i. 42, 229 note; ii. 178 note, 228, 230 note, 234; influence on public opinion, 178 note, 189 and note, 228; influence on public press, 226, 230 note; accuracy of reports in, 226; pro-Southern attitude in last year of the conflict, 226-8, 242, 244 and note; attitude to Hotze, 154 note; relations of, with W. H. Russell, i. 177, 178, ii. 228, 229 and note Criticisms of: John Bright's view of, i. 55 note; citations of anti-Americanism in, 217 note; Cobden, on, 222 note; Canadian opinion on, 222 note; in Index, ii. 228; in Morning Star, 228; Goldwin Smith's attack on, 299 "Historicus," articles by, in. See under "Historicus." Views expressed in, on: Civil War: non-idealistic, i. 89, 97; prints Motley's letter on causes of, 174-5 Confederate Manifesto, ii. 242 Cotton, i. 55; ii. 7 and note, 14 15 Democracy: attitude to, i. 8; ii. 280-1, 284, 289, 297, 300; change of view on, 289-90, 291, 297; comparison of British and United States Governments, 286; attack on John Bright, 295-6 Foreign war plans of America on, ii. 252, 254 Gladstone's speech, ii. 49 note Laird Rams, ii. 146 Lincoln: on Slavery speech of, i. 38; on re-election of, ii. 234-5, 238; appreciations of, after his death, ii. 259-61 Lindsay's proposed motion: ii. 205-6 Mediation, i. 303, 305; ii. 67 Military situation, ii. 165, 176 and note, 178, 297; after Gettysburg, ii. 180 and note, 228 note; Lee's Northern advance, 176; on Grant's reverses and Sherman's march on Atlanta, 212, 227, 232, 243; capture of Atlanta, 233, 234, 235; fall of Savannah, 245-6, 300-1; Lee's surrender, 255-6; appreciation of Lee's campaign, 256; Northern ability in war, 256; Sherman's campaign, 301 note Neutrality in non-idealistic war i. 89, 97 Northern ability in war, ii. 256 Privateers, i. 158 Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 103-4, 158 Roebuck's motion, ii. 173, 176, 296 note Secession, i. 45, 68 Seward, i. 216; ii. 257 Slavery: attitude to controversy on, i. 32, 55; condemnation of, 38-9, 40, 71; on Northern attitude to, ii. 89; Emancipation Proclamation, 102-3, 104; criticism of anti-slavery meetings, 108; on Biblical sanction of, 110 South, The: condemnation of, i. 38-9, 40; lawless element in, 40, 41; changing views on, at opening of the war, 55 and note, 56-7, 68-9; demand of, for recognition, ii. 181; renewed confidence in, ii. 210 and note Southern shipbuilding, ii. 145, 146 Trent affair, i. 216-7, 225-6, 237 War of 1812 ... i. 8 "Yankee," The, ii. 246 Otherwise mentioned, i. 174; ii. 65 and note, 160, 201 and note, 204 and note, 295 Toombs (Confederate Secretary of State), i. 129; ii. 4 note Toronto Globe, the, cited, i. 222 note Trades Unions of London, meeting of, ii. 132-3, 134, 291-3 Train, George Francis, of the New York Herald, speeches of, in England, ii. 224 note Treaty of Washington (1842) i. 4, 9 Tremenheere, H.S., The Constitution of the United States, etc., cited, ii. 275 note Tremlett, F.W., quoted, ii. 211-12 Trent affair. The, i. 195, 203 and note, 204 et seq. British demands in, i. 212-3, 226, 230, points of the complaint, 214 note; American reply, 232, 234 British views on, i. 203, 216, 216-8, 221-4, 225, 226-7; American exultation in, 205-6, 218, 219; effect of in Canada, 222 note; Cabinet members' sentiments on, 223; change in American views, 226, 230-1; British speculation on probable war, 228, 229; European support of Britain in, 229, 235; French views on, 230, 234-5; release of envoys, 235; American feeling after settlement of, 236 and note, 237; Parliamentary debate on conclusion of, 240-1, 262, 265, 274; influence of, on British policy in relation to the Civil War, 242; ii. 15-16; Southerners' action in, i. 211 note; effect of, on British cotton trade, ii. 9

Otherwise mentioned, i. 171 note, 201, 202, 244, 253, 254; ii. 72, 131 Trescott, William Henry, i. 186, 188 Tribune, The New York, cited, i. 280 note Trimble, W., "Surplus Food Production of the United States," cited, ii. 13 note Trollope, Anthony, i. 239 and note, 240; ii. 153; description of the United States citizen by, ii. 287-8 North America, i. 239; ii. 153, 287, 288 and note Trollope, Mrs., i. 27, 48 Tyler, President, i. 10

Union and Emancipation Society of London, The: Bright's speech to, ii. 295 United Empire Loyalists, i. 8 note United States: Citizenship: theory of, i. 5-6 and note Commercial relations with Great Britain, i. 17 et seq. Democracy in, See under Democracy. International law, influence of U.S. on, belligerent and neutral rights in, i. 5-10, 140 Naval power: agitation for increase of, i. 123 Policy in the Civil War, ii. 197 See under Adams, Lincoln, Seward, and subject-headings Political principles of: British sympathy for, i. 3, 26 Political institutions in: views of travellers and writers, i. 30; ii. 274 et seq. Population, growth of, i. 12 Protection policy: beginnings of, i. 18-19, 20-1; reaction against in the South, 21 Territorial expansion, i. 12 et seq.

See also under subject-headings.

United States Supreme Court: decision on Lincoln's blockade proclamations, i. 110 note

Van Buren, President, i. 109 Vansittart, William, ii. 187, 193 note Vicksburg, capture of, ii. 143, 165, 176 note, 178, 228 note, 296; Southern defence of, 164, 165, 178; importance of, in the military situation, 165 Victoria, Queen, i. 76, 96, 168, 190 note; ii. 40, 190, 262; pro-German influence of, 203 note; writes personal letter of sympathy to Mrs. Lincoln, 262 Vignaud, Henry, ii. 154 note Virginia, State of, i. 121, 122, 172, 245 Vogt, A., ii. 301 note

Wales, Prince of, visit to United States in 1860, ... i. 80 Walker, Mr., and employment of ex-slaves in British Guiana, ii. 100 Wallbridge, General Hiram, ii. 123 and note Warburton, George Hochelaga: i. 29 Washington, President, i. 11 Watts, Cotton, Famine, ii. 6 note Weed, Thurlow, i. 114 and notes, 129, 227, 231; ii. 130 note Welles, United States Secretary of the Navy, ii. 199; in Trent affair, congratulates Wilkes, i. 220; attitude to the "Privateering Bill," ii. 123 note, 128, 137; mentioned, 84, 96 West Indian Colonies, i. 3; American trade with, 17, 19, 20, 21; slavery in, 31 Westbury, Lord, i. 262-3; ii. 64 Westminster Review, The, i. 48, 70 and note, 71 Wharncliffe, Lord, ii. 187, 193 note Wheat and cotton in the Civil War, ii. 13 note Whig sympathy for American political principles, i. 26, 28 White, Andrew D., "A Letter to W.H. Russell," etc. cited, ii. 229 note Whittier, J.G., i. 29, 47 Wilberforce, Samuel, i. 31 Williams, Commander, R.N., i. 204 Wilkes, Captain, of the San Jacinto, intercepts the Trent, i. 204, 216, 219-20; American national approbation of, 219-20; Seward on, 233; his action officially stated to be unauthorized, 226, 254 Wilmington, N.C., i. 253 note; ii. 247 Wilson, President, i. 90 note Wodehouse, Lord, i. 84

Yancey, Southern Commissioner, i. 63, 82 and note, 85, 86, 264; ii. 4 note, 223 note Yeomans, cited, i. 38