Carrying Out the City Plan is a public-domain classic of politics by Flavel Shurtleff.
The complete text is on this page and the chapter pages below — all 96 chapters, about 87,723 words (~7 hours of reading), free to read online with no signup. Chapters include “CHAPTER I. The Public Ownership of Land”, “CHAPTER II. The Acquisition of Land”, “Section 6859. Acts of 1909, Chapter 171.”, and more.
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THE PUBLIC OWNERSHIP OF LAND
The ownership of land by the municipality is essential to the execution of many parts of a city plan. Certain acts of private owners which have a tendency to prevent the realization of a plan, either temporarily or for all time, may be enjoined by municipal regulation. Certain other acts in the furtherance of a plan may be induced by persuasion or compelled by administrative pressure. But at an early stage land or rights in land must be acquired for the public, and a municipality will be called upon to consider, first, whether it has a right to acquire or use land for a desired purpose; second, the methods of acquiring the land; and third, the equitable distribution of the cost of its acquisition.
THE RIGHT OF A MUNICIPALITY TO ACQUIRE AND HOLD LAND
It is well to emphasize at the start that the municipal ownership of land is subject to important limitations in the United States. It is customary to cite German examples of town planning and point out that the success of the plan is due to the large percentage of land under municipal ownership. German cities are encouraged to enter into the real estate field for the avowed purpose of checking speculation, and of reducing the over-crowding of lots, by releasing from private ownership land for building purposes. However desirable this may be in German cities, it is not permitted in any municipality in the United States.
In Germany as well as in the United States the purchase money at the disposal of any municipality is but the return from the taxation of the citizens, and the income of all can be spent only for a use that can be shared by all. German cities have reached a broad conception of a “public use” and have emphasized in this conception the rights of the community. The Constitution of the United States, on the other hand, was written when the individual was paramount in philosophy and politics, and the clause which protects the individual at the expense of the community has proved an effective check to the democratic tendencies which would substitute in importance the community for the individual. Consequently a “public use” in the United States has been more narrowly interpreted by the courts.
But new public needs have been recognized by the legislatures and sanctioned by the courts since the growth of great centers of population in the United States. To satisfy recreational needs the appropriation of the community’s money has been authorized both for the purchase and the condemnation of land for parks, boulevards, and playgrounds. It is not inconceivable that more radical needs will be recognized by legislatures and courts in the next twenty years. The need for the protection of the community against the selfishness of a few large property owners, for instance, may bring about the creation of a municipal board representing all the people of a community as a factor in the real estate market.
A municipality in the United States may become the owner of land by gift, dedication, or devise, and may use such land for any purpose whatsoever not inconsistent with the conditions of the gift, dedication, or devise. But land or rights in land can be acquired by the municipality out of public revenue only for a specific public purpose, whether the acquisition be by purchase or by appropriation under the power of eminent domain. If the city has acquired a complete ownership in land either by purchase or appropriation, it may make any use of the land so long as that use carries out some public purpose; except in the jurisdictions where it has been held that a city has only a qualified ownership which limits its right of use to the specific purpose for which the land was acquired.
METHODS OF ACQUIRING LAND
1. ACQUISITION BY GIFT, DEDICATION, OR DEVISE
There is nothing to prevent a city from taking and holding land for other than a public purpose, provided the tax payers’ money is not spent in the acquisition or holding of the land for the desired purpose. If in any specific case it were desired to grant real estate to a city for a purpose not covered in the city charter, the legislature would usually be found willing to pass enabling legislation. The character of most municipal administrations has not been promising enough to induce large holders of land to create trust estates which cities shall administer for the benefit either of all or of a certain class of their citizens; but there is nothing in legal theory which would prevent the acceptance on the part of a city, as trustee, of either real or personal property which the donor desires should be devoted to a certain use; as, for instance, to the providing of cheap and sanitary dwellings for its citizens. This is but one illustration of what might be done by the city as trustee, but the validity of any such trust would depend entirely on its administration without expense to the city.
2. ACQUISITION BY PURCHASE AND CONDEMNATION
The acquisition of land by the city for an unrestricted purpose either by gift, dedication, or devise is unusual, but its acquisition out of public revenue, for other than a public purpose either by purchase or by condemnation, is prohibited in all cities. In the latter case the city may take a fee, which is complete ownership of land, or an easement, which is the right merely to use the land for a specific purpose and one which will be interpreted as “public.” These restrictions on the right to acquire land by condemnation or purchase have a decided influence on a city plan.
RESTRICTION TO A SPECIFIC USE
If land is acquired for specific purposes in accordance with a well conceived city plan, and if the terms on which it is acquired prevent its use in any manner inconsistent with these original purposes, an important safeguard is thereby set up against an ill considered abandonment of the original plan. A subsequent administration can not then sacrifice the deliberate progress made along the lines of the original plan by confiscating any of the land so acquired and diverting it to the service of some new project which may for the moment seem more important but for which the city is unable or unwilling to buy additional land. Clearly this makes for a conservative stability of purpose which is wholly in accord with the spirit of city planning.
On the other hand the normal and healthy modification of the city plan to meet new conditions may be seriously hampered by any restriction of municipal land holdings to a specific use. Owing to the great physical changes due to the growth of a city the use for which land was originally acquired may be entirely outgrown. This situation may arise when land originally transferred to the city for park or school purposes becomes absolutely unsuited for such use and useful for another public purpose or for private corporations or individuals. It is on the one hand undesirable to devote a considerable area to a use which prevents the best all-round development of the city,—commercial, industrial, and residential; it is equally undesirable to allow a decrease in park or school lands except for the best of reasons.
Cities have adopted at times a very short-sighted real estate policy. They have sold their valuable holdings at a low figure, have seen the buyer realize a tremendous profit, and have been obliged to purchase sites at a greatly increased figure when by retaining their holdings they would have had adequate land for their needs. Buildings have been planted in parks in the supposed interest of economy, and by filling up the site the building has been robbed of distinction and the people of needed open space. Such offenses against good taste and true economy, which are two of the compounds of city planning, are committed even now when the need of parks is more fully recognized by the public and is being championed by the press. This mistaken idea of economy probably explains the location of many city halls, in cities large and small, in downtown squares where open spaces should be preserved for the benefit of the community and public buildings arranged to face upon them. Worcester, Massachusetts, used part of its old common for a city hall; Philadelphia appropriated for the same purpose one of the public squares set aside by William Penn; the city hall in St. Louis occupies six acres that were once a public square; Charleston, South Carolina, whose city hall dates from early times, took for its site one of four small parks; Pittsburgh placed on land originally used as a public square two market buildings; Delaware Park, in Buffalo, has been encroached upon by an art gallery and historical building in a manner seriously impairing its value for the purposes which controlled its original acquirement; another five-acre park in Buffalo has been used in part for a school house site.
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