Autographs for Freedom, Volume 2 (of 2) (1854)

Part 1

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AUTOGRAPHS

FOR FREEDOM.

EDITED BY

JULIA GRIFFITHS.

"In the long vista of the years to roll, Let me not see my country's honor fade; Oh! let me see our land retain its soul! Her pride in Freedom, and not Freedom's shade."

AUBURN: ALDEN, BEARDSLEY & CO.

ROCHESTER: WANZER, BEARDSLEY & CO.

1854.

ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by ALDEN, BEARDSLEY & CO., In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Northern District of New York.

STEREOTYPED BY THOMAS B. SMITH, 216 William St. N. Y.

Preface.

In commending this, the second volume of "the Autographs for Freedom," to the attention of the public, "THE ROCHESTER LADIES' ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY" would congratulate themselves and the friends of freedom generally on the progress made, during the past year, by the cause to which the book is devoted.

We greet thankfully those who have contributed of the wealth of their genius; the strength of their convictions; the ripeness of their judgment; their earnestness of purpose; their generous sympathies; to the completeness and excellence of the work; and we shall hope to meet many of them, if not all, in other numbers of "The Autograph," which may be called forth ere the chains of the Slave shall be broken, and this country redeemed from the sin and the curse of Slavery.

On behalf of the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society.

Sec'y.

ROCHESTER, N. Y.

Contents.

Subject Author PAGE

INTRODUCTION (The Colored People's "Industrial College") Prof. C. L. Reason 11

Massacre at Blount's Fort Hon. J. R. Giddings 14

The Fugitive Slave Act Hon. Wm. Jay 27

The Size of Souls Antoinette L. Brown 41

Vincent Oge George B. Vashon 44

The Law of Liberty Rev. Dr. Wm. Marsh 61

The Swiftness of Time in God Theodore Parker 63

Visit of a Fugitive Slave to the Grave of Wilberforce Wm. Wells Brown 70

Narrative of Albert and Mary Dr. W. H. Brisbane 77

Part 2

Toil and Trust Hon. Chas. F. Adams 128

Friendship for the Slave is Friendship for the Master Jacob Abbott 134

Christine Anne P. Adams 139

The Intellectual, Moral, and Spiritual Condition of the Slave J. M. Langston 147

The Bible versus Slavery Rev. Dr. Willis 151

The Work Goes Bravely on W. J. Watkins 156

Slaveholding not a Misfortune but a Crime Rev Win Brock 158

The Illegality of Slaveholding Rev. W. Goodell 159

"Ore Perennius" David Paul Brown 160

The Mission of America John S. C. Abbott 161

Disfellowshipping the Slaveholder Lewis Tappan 163

A Leaf from my Scrap Book Wm. J. Wilson 165

Who is my Neighbor Rev. Thos. Starr King 174

Consolation for the Slave Dr. S. Willard 175

The Key Dr. S. Willard 177

The True Mission of Liberty Dr. W. Elder 178

The True Spirit of Reform Mary Willard 180

A Welcome to Mrs. H. B. Stowe, on her return from Europe J. C. Holly 184

Forward (from the German) Rev. T. W. Higginson 186

What has Canada to do with Slavery? Thos. Henning 187

A Fragment Rev. Rufus Ellis 190

The Encroachment of the Slave Power John Jay, Esq. 192

The Dishonor of Labor Horace Greeley 194

The Evils of Colonization Wm. Watkins 198

The Basis of the American Constitution Hon. Wm. H. Seward 201

A Wish Mrs. C. M. Kirkland 207

A Dialogue C. A. Bloss 210

A time of Justice will come Hon. Gerit Smith 225

Part 3

Hope and Confidence Prof. G. L. Reason 226

A Letter that speaks for itself Jane G. Swisshelm 230

On Freedom R. W. Emerson 235

Mary Smith. An Anti-Slavery Reminiscence Hon S. E. Sewell 236

Freedom--Liberty Dr. J. McCune Smith 241

An Aspiration Rev. E. H. Chapin 242

The Dying Soliloquy of the Victim of the Wilkesbarre Tragedy Mrs. H. H. Greenough 243

Let all be Free Hon. C. M. Clay 248

Extract from a Speech Frederick Douglass 251

Extract from an Unpublished Poem on Freedom William D. Snow 256

Letter Rev. H. Ward Beecher 273

A Day Spent at Playford Hall Mrs. Harriet B. Stowe 277

Teaching the Slave to Read Mary Irving 304

INTRODUCTION.

The Colored People's "Industrial College."

WHAT SOME OF THE BUILDERS HAVE THOUGHT.

A word oft-times is expressive of an entire policy. Such is the term Abolition. Though formerly used as a synonym of Anti-Slavery, people now clearly understand that the designs of those who have ranged themselves under the first of these systems of reform are of deeper significance and wider scope than are the objects contemplated by the latter, and concern themselves not only with the great primary question of bodily freedom, but take in also the collateral issues connected with human enfranchisement, independent of race, complexion, or sex.

The Abolitionist of to-day is the Iconoclast of the age, and his mission is to break the idolatrous images set up by a hypocritical Church, a Sham Democracy, or a corrupt public sentiment, and to substitute in their stead the simple and beautiful doctrine of a common brotherhood. He would elevate every creature by abolishing the hinderances and checks imposed upon him, whether these be legal or social--and in proportion as such grievances are invidious and severe, in such measure does he place himself in the front rank of the battle, to wage his emancipating war.

Therefore it is that the Abolitionist has come to be considered the especial friend of the negro, since he, of all others, has been made to drink deep from the cup of oppression.

The free-colored man at the north, for his bond-brother as for himself, has trusted hopefully in the increasing public sentiment, which, in the multiplication of these friends, has made his future prospects brighter. And, to-day, while he is making a noble struggle to vindicate the claims of his entire class, depending mainly for the accomplishment of that end on his own exertions, he passes in review the devotion and sacrifices made in his behalf: gratitude is in his heart, and thanks fell from his lips. But, in one department of reformatory exertion he feels that he has been neglected. He has seen his pledged allies throw themselves into the hottest of the battle, to fight for the Abolition of Capital Punishment--for the Prohibition of the Liquor Traffic--for the Rights of Women, and similar reforms,--but he has failed to see a corresponding earnestness, according to the influence of Abolitionists in the business world, in opening the avenues of industrial labor to the proscribed youth of the land. This work, therefore, is evidently left for himself to do. And he has laid his powers to the task. The record of his conclusions was given at Rochester, in July, and has become already a part of history.

Though shut out from the workshops of the country, he is determined to make self-provision, so as to triumph over the spirit of caste that would keep him degraded. The utility of the Industrial Institution he would erect, must, he believes, commend itself to Abolitionists. But not only to them. The verdict of less liberal minds has been given already in its favor. The usefulness, the self-respect and self-dependence,--the combination of intelligence and handicraft,--the accumulation of the materials of wealth, all referable to such an Institution, present fair claims to the assistance of the entire American people.

Whenever emancipation shall take place, immediate though it be, the subjects of it, like many who now make up the so-called free population, will be in what Geologists call, the "Transition State." The prejudice now felt against them for bearing on their persons the brand of slaves, cannot die out immediately. Severe trials will still be their portion--the curse of a "taunted race" must be expiated by almost miraculous proofs of advancement; and some of these miracles must be antecedent to the great day of Jubilee. To fight the battle on the bare ground of abstract principles, will fail to give us complete victory. The subterfuges of pro-slavery selfishness must now be dragged to light, and the last weak argument,--that the negro can never contribute anything to advance the national character, "nailed to the counter as base coin." To the conquering of the difficulties heaped up in the path of his industry, the free-colored man of the North has pledged himself. Already he sees, springing into growth, from out his foster work-school, intelligent young laborers, competent to enrich the world with necessary products--industrious citizens, contributing their proportion to aid on the advancing civilization of the country;--self-providing artizans vindicating their people from the never-ceasing charge of a fitness for servile positions.

Abolitionists ought to consider it a legitimate part of their great work, to aid in such an enterprise--to abolish not only chattel servitude, but that other kind of slavery, which, for generation after generation, dooms an oppressed people to a condition of dependence and pauperism. Such an Institution would be a shining mark, in even this enlightened age; and every man and woman, equipped by its discipline to do good battle in the arena of active life, would be, next to the emancipated bondman, the most desirable "Autograph for Freedom."

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