Part 220

Mr. WADSWORTH was too ill-informed upon this question, to know upon what side he ought to vote. Much had been said about the gratitude due from this country to France. We had been grateful, indeed, since we had suffered them for a long time past to plunder our vessels without making a complaint. He stated that the American property seized in the ports of France amounted to one million of dollars, and that taken by her in the West India Colonies, to four millions of dollars. Much of this property had been paid for in such a way, that the owners did not realize more than twenty-five per cent. of its value. The present application had been made a long time ago, and Mr. W. did not suppose that the French Minister could, at present, be in any want of the money. Since the time when he first sought for it, something had happened which altered the case. The greatest portion of specie in America is now at the command of M. Fauchet. There can be, therefore, no pretence for giving away this million of dollars on the plea of necessity. The Republic herself possesses, if we are to believe common fame, more cash than all the kings in Europe; and, though the story may be very greatly exaggerated, yet make allowance for exaggeration, and still her treasures are very great. No part of her misfortunes can be ascribed to the want of money. Matters so standing, he thought that it was our duty to make a halt, and begin to take some care of the interests of our fellow-citizens. As for gratitude towards the Republic, he felt as much of that sentiment as those who talked more about it than he did. But he had not learned any good reason why this money should be disposed of in this way; and he could not agree to vote so great a sum where he could not see the need.

Mr. BOURNE said, that the purposes for which it had been first asked, had been long since accomplished without it. The transportation of the emigrants of St. Domingo to France had been given as a reason for this request, but they were all gone already.

Mr. SEDGWICK and Mr. GOODHUE also spoke. The resolution was carried in the committee, and reported to the House, where it was likewise carried; and it was

Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in pursuant to the said resolution, and that Mr. MADISON, Mr. BEATTY, and Mr. HEISTER, do prepare and bring in the same.

FRIDAY, May 30.

Military Establishment.

The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act to increase the Military Force of the United States, and to encourage the recruiting service," was read the first time.

Mr. SMILIE objected that there must be some other purpose for these troops than any that had been acknowledged; for he could see none. The principle of the bill was wrong.

Mr. GILES said, that the bill ought to be named "A bill authorizing the PRESIDENT to pass a law for raising ten thousand men." In point of principle, it was infinitely worse than the former one, which the House had already rejected, (the one supported by Mr. SEDGWICK.) He hoped that they would not suffer it to go to a second reading. We had made estimates of the expenses of this year, and have been told that the ways and means are not sufficient. Yet, in the face of this, to come upon us all at once with the expense of a standing army of ten thousand men was too hard. He trusted that gentlemen who would vote for a second reading would explain the reasons that could induce them to such a measure. The time spent upon such a bill would be perfectly cast away. He was at a loss to discover against whom these ten thousand men were to be employed.

Mr. HILLHOUSE could not, at this moment, decide whether he ought to vote for this bill or not. He would recommend a Committee of the Whole to examine its merits. He should think it ungenerous for any gentleman in that House to call for his vote till it had been fully discussed.

Mr. FITZSIMONS.--If we were to debate for a week upon it, I am sure that there cannot be one new idea started. The whole argument lies in so narrow a compass that every member may decide on a first hearing. The question is, whether, on account of the particular state of the country at this time, it is proper to intrust the PRESIDENT with a discretionary power of raising an army of ten thousand men? For my own part, I am as ready to decide just now as I ever can be.

Mr. AMES.--If we are to go to war, will it not be a prodigious saving of expense to have all matters ready beforehand? By being prepared two months before the war breaks out, the advantages in economy would be immense, as the price of enlisting men would rise fourfold when it was once known that war was certain. He knew many weak parts in the Union that might be attacked and in danger before a body of militia could be ready for effectual service. He was not qualified for details of this sort; but he knew that Rhode Island, for example, might be taken, and, in a short time, so strongly fortified, that it would be difficult or impossible to retake it. Why were we afraid to intrust the PRESIDENT with the power of raising ten thousand men? Can any body of men to be raised in this country tread down the substantial yeomanry? This is quite a Utopian dread. It is infinitely cheaper to raise and embody an army at leisure, when the storm is seen to be approaching, than all at once, when twenty things must be done at the same time. There is, besides, a material distinction between this bill and the former. The force may be discontinued whenever the Legislature thinks proper; nor is it to be raised at all unless the PRESIDENT sees or thinks it necessary. The principle of the bill is, therefore, much less exceptionable than that of the other. To reject a bill on the first reading is a bad practice. Mr. A. hoped that the House would guard against it, unless where any thing was grossly improper, and depended on a single principle. But he trusted that the House would, in every common case, set their faces against it.

Mr. SMILIE controverted every thing said by Mr. AMES. He thought that the measure would involve this country in a very useless expense. Did we intend to rival the military establishments in Europe? The British might be expected to increase their forces in Canada in proportion to those of the United States.

Mr. DAYTON followed Mr. SMILIE, and said, that the arguments of the member who spoke last, although intended to make a different impression, had convinced him of the impropriety of rejecting this bill upon its first reading. That gentleman had thought proper to enter into the intrinsic merits at this stage of it, when those who favored its principles could have no opportunity of defending or amending the particular parts of it. He had heard the objects of it grossly misrepresented. It had been asserted that the bill contemplated the increase of our military peace establishment to sixteen thousand men.

No such thing (said Mr. D.) was to be found in it, and he called upon gentlemen to show upon what such an assertion was founded. He, for one, was of opinion that the interests and safety of the United States might be materially promoted by our vesting the PRESIDENT with the power to raise these men, if war should break out in the recess of Congress. Who did not believe that such an event was not only possible, but in some degree probable? Who would say that, if war should be forced upon us, this would not be considered as a most valuable provision, because we might have this respectable body of troops engaged, equipped, and prepared to act the moment that hostilities should be declared by the constituted authority? He would address himself to the feelings and interests of the member who spoke last, and those similarly circumstanced. They resided in the interior parts of the country, and hence it was that they did not seem to experience such lively sensations at the approach of danger on the eastern frontiers--the sea. What (he asked) was their situation, and what had they to fear in case of an open rupture with Great Britain? It was easy to foresee that they would be vigorously pressed, not only by those Indians which are at present hostile, and by the regular troops in that quarter, but by all the neighboring nations of savages over whom British threats or bribes could have influence. A part of the Six Nations, too, would probably join the confederacy, and the frontier settlers of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New York, would certainly be driven in. With such a corps as the one proposed, an early check might be given to their irruptions, and the war be carried to their towns.

On the other hand, what would be the consequence, if, after the PRESIDENT perceives a war inevitable, he is not permitted to make the smallest preparation until he can convene Congress? Two months must be lost in convening them, owing to the extreme distances of their residence, all which time would be employed by our enemies in increasing their forces, in strengthening their posts, and establishing new ones, and in invading our country. Let this discretionary power be given to the PRESIDENT, (with whom much greater had repeatedly been lodged, and had never in any instance been improperly exercised,) and the men might be engaged while the members were collecting, and a small army in readiness to act as Congress should by law direct and authorize. No danger could arise from it, because the enlistments of those who might be engaged would be void, unless the Legislature, immediately upon their meeting, should confirm them. It had been said, that our reliance should be upon the militia. He had, Mr. D. said, as high an opinion of militia as any member in that House, for he had witnessed their exertions and importance in the late war; but could it be said that it would be very convenient or agreeable to them, to be drawn a distance from their own homes, to be employed in taking and garrisoning posts, if it should be deemed advisable to direct operations of that kind? He concluded, with wishing that the bill might be allowed to have a second reading, as constructions had been imputed to it which it certainly would not bear.

Mr. MADISON did not accede to the principle of the bill. He did not see any such immediate prospect of a war, as could induce the House to violate the constitution. He thought that it was a wise principle in the constitution, to make one branch of Government raise an army, and another conduct it. If the Legislature had the power to conduct an army, they might embody it for that end. On the other hand, if the PRESIDENT was empowered to raise an army, as he is to direct its motions when raised, he might wish to assemble it for the sake of the influence to be acquired by the command. The constitution had wisely guarded against that danger on either side. He could not, in the present case, consent to the breaking down of this barrier of public safety. He saw no necessity for it; nor any violent probability, that this country will be speedily invaded by any force, to which the present military establishment cannot make an adequate resistance. Let us hear from the Minister whom we have just sent to Britain, before we take such abrupt and expensive measures. We shall certainly hear from him, at least, before we are invaded. Now, if we enter into a calculation of the time requisite for his arrival in Britain, for commencing his business, and for sending back an account of what kind of reception he has met with, we shall find that by this period, Congress will have met again; or at least, the interval will be so small as to make it not worth while to embrace any measure of this kind.

Upon the whole, he could not venture to give his consent for violating so salutary a principle of the constitution as that upon which this bill encroached.

Mr. SEDGWICK differed from Mr. MADISON. He did not think that, in certain contingencies, war was so distant a prospect. Simcoe is going to erect a fort in our territories, and the PRESIDENT has declared that he will repel the attempt. We all know the waste of time and property in the last war, at its commencement, by trying to do the business with militia. The proposal met his approbation, as did the resolution of the PRESIDENT to repel force by force.

Mr. FINDLAY spoke against the bill.

The question was then stated, to wit: "Shall the said bill be rejected?" and, after debate thereon, the question being taken, it was resolved in the affirmative--yeas 50, nays 32.

Advance of Money to France.

Mr. PARKER then moved that the House take into consideration the bill for the payment of a certain sum of money to the French Republic.

The House resolved itself into a committee on this bill, Mr. PARKER in the chair.

Several amendments were proposed, and several members spoke.

Mr. GILES knew that Mr. Fauchet was anxious for this money, and spoke of it as necessary for his operations. He did not know whether to-day, to-morrow, or at what time in particular; but in fact the money was needed. He had another remark to make. This loan of three millions of florins had come upon all parts of the House alike unexpectedly. Before it was known, we heard of no particular complaints from the Treasury, for want of money to raise the fortifications. But now, when the loan was come, the tone was altered, and there was a loud cry of emptiness in the Treasury.

Mr. GILLON said, that gentlemen talked of giving this money, as if we were doing a favor to France. Is this so? We are sending a new ambassador to that country. A very pretty introduction truly he would have at Paris, with our credentials in one hand, and a refusal to pay the debts due to the Republic in the other. We have been in need of her assistance before, and we may want it again.

The committee made some amendments; the Chairman reported them, and the bill finally passed the House.