Part 7

Let me add that I do not wish to be understood as suggesting that our Government should charge to the Allied Nations more than the nominal rate at which it is borrowing. They have been fighting these three years and bringing unheard of sacrifices for a cause which we have recognized to be ours no less than theirs, and if we loan them money somewhat below its actual cost to us that item weighs but very lightly in the scale, especially also if we consider the immense monetary profits which our country has reaped from the sale to them of munitions, material and supplies.

However, as against the theoretical objections, some of which I have mentioned, to the tax-exemption of Government loans, there are certain "imponderabilia"--things which cannot be exactly weighed--in favor of a low rate of interest for Government borrowing, even if the lowness of the rate is to an extent fictitious. There are also certain practical reasons for the maintenance of our traditional policy, and various concrete facts which must be taken into account. For instance, there is the problem of how to deal with the situation that might result from the withdrawal of deposits from savings banks and similar institutions, which probably would be liable to occur in case the Government offered a bond issue at the higher rate it would have to fix if the inducement of tax-exemption were removed.

There is the problem of the existence of billions of municipal and state securities which offer to the holder the privilege of freedom from municipal, state and Federal taxes. I understand that it is the consensus of opinion of our leading lawyers that under the legal theory which treats such issues as "instrumentalities of government" that privilege cannot be abridged and that Congress has no constitutional power to tax state and municipal issues.

If state and municipal issues to be made during war time retain the feature of being free from taxation, can the Federal Government afford to make its war loans taxable, and thereby place itself in a position where it would have to borrow under conditions which would put it and its credit at a disadvantage as compared to state and municipal issues?

The problem is a complex one altogether and, like all economic questions, requires to be approached in a dispassionate spirit, giving due consideration to the reasons for and against. The temper of the stump speaker is not appropriate for dealing with taxation problems.

Let me add, in conclusion, that I fully agree that it is "sheer fiscal stupidity" and "socially inexpedient as well" to permit "mushroom fortunes" to be built out of war profits. I believe there ought to be imposed a large excess war profits tax on the English model upon a fair and well conceived average basis of earnings so calculated as to take account of the vast difference in the country's industrial plant to-day and before the European war. Such a tax may not be entirely free from objections in theory, but from the social and moral point of view it is, I am convinced, thoroughly sound and proper and called for. Appropriate taxation of excess profits, together with an adequately though not exorbitantly heavy income tax would go a long way to prevent the enrichment of a class through the calamity of war, without at the same time affecting wages or laming the enterprise and business activities of the country.

Yours very truly,

(Signed) OTTO H. KAHN