Part 28

4thly.

If the complaints set up by England against the United States, are grounded only on their incapacity of making returns proportionate to the value of the goods exported there since the peace, are the United States to blame if European cupidity has exported to America, in the space of six months, as much as its inhabitants could consume and pay for in two years? Does such an event, almost infallibly the result of a long interruption of correspondence, prove any thing more than the necessity of a balance between production and consumption, the advantage of knowing as soon as possible the difference from the one to the other, the inconvenience of a trade, in which we lose sight of our capital for whole years together, and the advantage of a trade which would 5 or 6 months after return to the hands of the capitalist the stock he had laid out?

5thly.

Had even those colonies remained in, or returned to a state of subjection to England, would not the same interruption of correspondence have been productive of the same inconvenience?—During the war, which terminated by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, all the French colonies had remained under the dominion of France, and yet during all the first, and great part of the second year of peace most of the French goods were sold at Martinique and St. Domingo, 15 and 20 per cent. below the prime cost in Europe;—between dependent and independent colonies, then, in this respect, who can perceive a shadow of difference?

6thly.

If the English merchants, after having over-stocked the American markets with European goods, have attempted to strip America of the little money she had to boast of, and to leave her goods on her own hands, do the complaints set up in England on this subject, prove any thing essential either to England, or to the rest of the world, more than the impossibility of carrying into execution beyond a certain degree, the plan, as destructive as it is absurd, of any other trade but that which is founded on a reciprocity of advantages, on an exchange of the gifts with which Nature and Art have favoured one country, against those with which Nature and Art have favoured another country? And even, upon a supposition, that America should have returned under the domination of England, if the English merchants had, in this case, attempted to wrest from her the little money she was possessed of, would not the American colonists have been justified in taking every measure necessary to preserve it?—Would they in enforcing that right have been free from the misfortune, common to mankind, of always doing, in order to guard against an injury, much more than is either just or necessary?—The impossibility of making returns adequate to the extravagant invoices sent by the French traders to their colonies in America, after the war I have mentioned, determined also the agents of the French trade to strip those colonies of all the money they could lay their hands upon: no other way to put a stop to that spoliation was left, but to bore in the middle of their dollars a large hole, which restoring the equilibrium between the rapacity of the foreign trader, and the wants of the interior commerce, preserved within those colonies the trifling sum in specie that still remained there. Soon after, the equilibrium was also restored between the imports and the consumption; and from that instant an end was put to the thirst after money, as well as to the necessity of boring the dollars.—What difference then can exist, in this respect also, between a colony and a free State?

7thly.

All the exports from England to the colonies, the monopoly of which she has preserved by the peace, (including her trade to India) amounted, in 1773, to 2,430,420l. (for the details see Sir Charles Whitworth). Now the annual expence of the British navy, and its accessaries, considering the increase in that of France, must be, at present, or will be soon, 2,000,000l. May it not be fairly concluded, that England is about to pay the annual sum of 2 millions sterling, in order to maintain herself in the exclusive privilege of carrying annually to the distance of 1500, of 2000, of 4 or 6000 leagues, the value of 2,432,420l. in European goods?—And would not that privilege be dearly bought, were not France to lay out annually likewise 45 millions of livres tournois, in protecting her privileged exportation?

8thly,

I have at present before my eyes no other standard, whereby to estimate the exportation of France to her sugar-colonies, than that of England to hers; that exportation amounted, in 1773, to 197,236l. But the population of the French colonies is far from being in a treble proportion to that of the English colonies, and luxury is equal in both; yet let us suppose that the amount of the exports from France to her colonies, including those she sends to India, be annually 80 millions tournois.—The interest of the national debt in France is 202 millions tournois, (see Administration des Finances de la France) one half, or rather three fourths of which have been incurred for the protection of her establishments in those parts of the world.—May it not be said, that France is at the yearly expence of 150 millions tournois, independently of the 45 millions for her navy, for the purpose of maintaining herself in the exclusive privilege of exporting every year the value of 80 millions tournois, in European goods, to her possessions in India and America?

9thly,

All the European exports, carried by England in the year 1773, either to India, Africa, or America, including the exports for which she held an exclusive privilege in the part of America now independent, amounted to 4,975,192l. we shall say 5 millions:—if you value at 10 millions of the same currency, the exports of all the other nations of Europe to those parts of the world, we shall find a capital of 15 millions sterling in goods annually exported from Europe:—but the yearly expence of a navy, which cannot be dispensed with for the protection of those exports, is valued at 8 millions sterling, 4 of which fall to the share of England and France.

Exclusive of those 8 millions sterling, the interest paid by England to acquire, preserve, and protect that part of European exports that concerns her, amounts to about 6,500,000l. including that of the last war; the interest paid by France, comes nearly to the same sum; the interest paid by Spain could not be computed, were the depopulation of that country to be taken into the account; but estimate them at 4 millions, including those which other European nations have sacrificed to the same Idol: let us say nothing about Holland, who for many years (except the few last) has made some figure Europe, only by her good luck in alleviating the distresses of others, her sole motive for which was her own advantage: and we shall sum up, at last, an annual expenditure of 25 millions sterling, in interest and naval expences, incurred by Europe, in order to preserve the exclusive privilege, 1st, of exporting every year 15 millions sterling in European goods to her colonies, both in India and America; and, 2dly, of establishing in those colonies the system of government best calculated to prevent that exportation from becoming more considerable.

10thly,

We have observed, that the exports from England to the colonies of America, and to India, amounted, in 1773, to 4,900 and some thousand pounds sterling, suppose 5 millions: now her importation of commodities from those various countries is about 5,900,000l. (see Sir Charles Whitworth); but we have also noticed, that she left yearly in North America 1,282,000l. more than she received therefrom. This matter, considered in the most favourable light, that is, as a balance of trade, ought to be added to the former; and the whole together will give us a total of 7 millions, shewing an annual benefit of 2 millions some hundred thousand pounds sterling.

It appears then, that an annual benefit of 2 millions some hundred thousand pounds sterling costs England annually 6,500,000l. interest for her debt, and 2 millions for the support of her navy.

11thly,

We have seen, that the annual and general exportation of European goods to America and India amounted to about 15 millions sterling.—If 5 millions of English exports return no more than 2 millions some hundred thousand pounds annual benefit to England, that England, who sets the highest price on her goods of all kinds, the general exportation of 15 millions, to which England contributes only one third, cannot, of course, afford to the whole of Europe, a profit of above 6 millions and some hundred thousand pounds;—but it seems that a benefit of 6 millions and some hundred thousand pounds is dearly bought at the rate of 25 millions laid out annually by Europe, both in paying the interest of their respective national debts, and for the support of the European navies designed to preserve, protect, and secure such a benefit.

12thly,

If it were very true, as it is to this day asserted, that those 25 millions of annual and indisputable expenditure, are in reality so many yearly losses to the nations who sustain it, might it not be reasonably concluded, would it not be impossible not to conclude, that all the colonies of Europe were established only for her ruin?—If we only attend to the last war, which in fact loads the different nations who took a share in it, with an annual interest of 9 or 10 millions,—9 or 10 millions to be paid every year, partly to preserve the right, partly to obtain the permission of exporting European commodities into a country, of which the inhabitants, besides their own importation, consume annually to the amount of only 2,491,230l. of those same commodities which are exported to them by others—who (to assume the trader’s phrase) cannot clear by that exportation, a greater annual profit than 3, 4, or even 500,000l.! ... it seems indeed that one cannot see without surprise and concern, the shocking disproportion between the end proposed, and the sole means of obtaining it.

13thly,

If, on the contrary, it be true, as I maintain it to be, that after the peace, when a perfect equilibrium is restored to every thing, the 9 or 10 millions interest of the national debt, has no other effect but that of ADDING TO EVERY THING A NOMINAL VALUE WHICH INJURES NO ONE, THOUGH IT MAY BE ADVANTAGEOUS TO MANY; A NOMINAL VALUE, WHICH, IN EVERY STATE, PROPORTIONS ITSELF, FIRST TO THE SUM OF ITS REVENUE COMPARED TO THAT OF ITS DEBT, AND SOON AFTER TO THE DIFFERENCE WHICH THE DEBT CONTRACTED BY THE NATION CALLED THE MOST LOADED, AND WHICH, IN FACT, IS ONLY THE GREATEST EXPORTER, HAS PRODUCED IN THAT ENORMOUS QUANTITY OF THE GOODS SHE EXPORTS;—if it appear more reasonable to adopt that idea, than to give up a trade, which, without that very idea, would prove the most absurd, as well as the most destructive that human genius could invent, (the alternative seems to be forcibly established);—in this case the regret will be heart-felt, when we consider the loss of men sacrificed during the last war: but if from this general aggregate of truths little suspected, and much less reflected upon, there should result a system of Politics in Europe, of Administration in her different States, of Government in her Colonies, which should procure to Europe, at the least expence, the greatest exportation of that of which she has a superabundance, and the greatest importation of that in which she is deficient ... then indeed, then, might we find consolation for the evil, in adverting to its consequences.—And, upon this principle, what can England have suffered by losing her sovereignty over America?

14thly,

The contagion of example has been apprehended. Let us suppose the fact. What then would be the loss sustained by Europe? None, I believe, unless the consequence of the general independency of the colonies, should be that they would give up European commodities they have been used to, and which they can so readily procure by means of a multitude of other articles, which would be of no value to them were they not calculated to procure them those European commodities which they are in the habit of consuming.—But I beg leave to ask, what purpose could their independence answer?—It appears to me, they could not think of it without a palpable folly; and that it is impossible they should think of it, without that kind of vexation which brings a man to the necessity of choosing between two extremes.—Another consideration, which tends to make Europe easy, at least in regard to the colonies situated beyond the tropic, is, that no rivalship can subsist between them and their mother-countries in any thing that concerns the soil and industry.

In regard to the productions of the soil, all that part of America inclosed within even the 30th degree of north, and the 30th degree of south latitude, could not yield, without double and treble expence, any thing that can be produced in Europe, and in the other part of America, from the 30th degree to the pole. And, on the other hand, at what an amazing expence must all Europe, jointly with that part of America now independent, produce, even in a kind of degradation, what the other part of America yields naturally in the most perfect state!

In regard to industry, can it be feared that the South Americans, even supposing them independent, should be tempted to import rough materials from Europe, in order to have them wrought by American hands, which are so naturally and so profitably employed in the production of American articles? Is it even to be feared that they should aim at a competition with the Europeans in the exportation of American articles, when they are in need of ship-timber, or rather when in this, much more than in any other respects, there is no European work, which, if done in America, would not cost three times as much as when imported from Europe?—All European prejudices, relative to commerce, are founded on the following principle, which may be looked upon as the quintessence of the Navigation-Act:—To do every thing ourselves, in order that no one’s assistance may be wanted,—that no one may do without our assistance,—and that no assistance be given, but at the prices prescribed by the Lords of the Seas.—The Navigation-Act was, without doubt, the last effort of the human mind about the middle of the 17th century.

It seems to me, that the only point which essentially concerns all Europe, in regard to other parts of the world, where she can give law, would be to find out what kind of Administration would be the best calculated to increase in all those parts the consumption of ~European~ goods, and to procure to herself a more considerable stock of foreign goods and products,—which would, as they have ever done, give, ~either directly or indirectly~, a fresh encouragement to her agriculture and manufactures_. Let any one examine, whether the utility of the colonies be not strictly confined to this single point.

I speak of all Europe, it is true, as if she formed but one State, whilst she is supposed to exhibit so many interests, and these so very opposite to each other. This question deserves a deeper discussion than I am able to give it; yet I presume to think that the answer I could give, might be susceptible of demonstration, had we, on all the countries in Europe, statements only similar to those which Sir Charles Whitworth has given of the British trade, and were we to add thereto the means and faculties which are to be met with in England of procuring the details and proofs of every particular that concerns the public. Destitute however of an advantage so precious, so worthy of a nation sufficiently enlightened to dread nothing but being left in the dark on any part of her own interests, of a nation judicious enough not to disdain a ray of light, from whatever quarter it may come, and generous enough to perceive, with pleasure, that by enriching herself, she has, to this day, enriched all Europe;—