Part 65

Among the Numbers of Men, my friend, are to be found not only those who have "preferred ease, slumber, and good chear to liberty"; but others, who have eagerly sought after Thrones, and Sceptres, hereditary shares in Sovereignty Riches, and Splendor, Titles, Stars, Garters, Crosses, Eagles, and many other childish play things, at the expence of real Nobility, without one thought, or care for the liberty, and happiness of the rest of Mankind. "The People, who have no property feel the Power of governing by a majority; and even attack those who have property." "The injured Men of Property recur to finess, trick, and Stratagem," to outwit them: True; These may proceed from a Lust of domination in some of both parties. Be this as it may; It has been known, that such deceitful tricks have been practiced by some of the rich upon their unsuspecting fellow Citizens; to turn the determination of Questions, so as to answer their own selfish purposes. To plunder or filch the rights of Men are crimes equally immoral, and nefarious; though committed in a different manner: Neither of them is confined to the Rich, or the Poor; they are too common among both. The Lords as well as the commons of Great Brittain by continued large majorities endeavoured by Finess, Tricks, and Stratagems, as well as threats to prevail on the American Colonies to surrender their Liberty and Property to their disposal. These failing, they attempted to plunder our rights by force of Arms. We feared their Arts more than their Arms. Did the Members of that hereditary House of Lords, who constituted those repeated majorities, then possess the spirit of Nobility? Not so, I think: That Spirit resided in the illustrious Minorities in both Houses. But "by Nobles" who have prevented "one hideous Despotism as horrid as that of Turkey from falling to the lot of every Nation of Europe"; you mean not peculiarly an hereditary Nobility, or any particular Modification, but "the natural, and actual Aristocracy among Mankind;" The existence of which, I am not disposed to deny. Where is this Aristocracy to be found? Among Men of all Ranks and Conditions. The Cottager may beget a wise Son; the Noble, a Fool: The one is capable of great Improvement--the other not. Education is within the Power of Men, and Societys of Men. Wise, and judicious Modes of Education, patronized, and supported by communities, will draw together the Sons of the rich, and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it will cultivate the natural Genius, elevate the Soul, excite laudable Emulation to excel in Knowledge, Piety, and Benevolence, and finally it will reward its Patrons, and Benefactors by sheding its benign Influence on the Public Mind. Education inures Men to thinking and reflection, to reasoning and demonstration. It discovers to them the moral and religious duties they owe to God, their Country and to all Mankind. Even Savages might, by the means of Education, be instructed to frame the best civil, and political Institutions with as much skill and ingenuity, as they now shape their Arrows. Education leads youth to "the Study of human nature, society, and universal History" from whence they may "draw all the Principles" of Political Architecture, which ought to be regarded. All Men are "interested in the truth." Education by showing them "the End of all its consequences" would induce, at least, the greatest numbers to inlist on its side. The Man of good understanding who has been well educated, and improves these advantages as far as his circumstances will allow, in promoting the happiness of Mankind, in my opinion, and I am inclined to think in yours is indeed "well born." It may be "puerile, and unworthy of Statesmen" to declame against Family Pride; but there is and always has been such a ridiculous kind of Vanity among Men. "Statesmen know the evil, and danger is too serious to be sported with." I am content they should be put into one hole; as you propose, but I have some fears that your Watchmen on each side will not well agree. When a Man can recollect the Virtues of his Ancestors; he certainly has abundantly more solid satisfaction than another who boasts that he sprang from those, who were rich, or noble; but never discovers the least degree of Virtue, or true worth of any kind. "Family Popularity," if I mistake not, has its source in family pride; It is by all means sought after that hommage may be paid to the name of the Title or Estate, to supply the want, in the possessor, of any great, or good quality whatsoever. There are individuals among Men, who study the art of making themselves popular, for the purpose of getting into Places of Honour, and Emoluments, and by these means of gratifying hereafter the noble Passion--Family Pride. Others are so inchanted with the Musick of the sound, that they conceive it to be supreme felicity. This is indeed Vanity of Vanities, and if such deluded Men ever come to their Senses, they will find it to be vexation of Spirit. When they reflect on their own folly, and injustice in having received the breath of Applause with avidity, and great delight, for Merrit which they are conscious they never had; and that many who have been the loudest in sounding their praises, had nothing in view, but their own private, and selfish interests, it will excite in them the feelings of shame, remorse, and self contempt.

The truly virtuous Man, and real Patriot, is satisfied with the approbation of the wise, and discerning; he rejoices in the contemplation of the Purity of his Intentions, and waits in humble hope for the Plaudit of his final Judge.

I shall hardly venture again to trespass on the Benevolence of our Confidential Friend--you will not be sorry; it will afford you Reliefe, for in common Civility you must be at the Trouble of reading ones Epistles. I hope there will be a Time when we shall have "sweet Communion" together. In the mean Time let me not lose the Benefit of your valueable Letters. Adieu. Believe me

Your sincere Friend

1 The draft at this point reads: "as in their own enlightened Judgments shall best serve the great End of Government the good of the whole People."

1794

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 17, 1794.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE,

IT having pleased the Supreme Being, since your last meeting, in His holy providence to remove from this transitory life, our late excellent Governour Hancock, the multitude of his surviving fellow-citizens, who have often given strong testimonials of their approbation of his important services, while they drop a tear, may certainly profit by the recollection of his virtuous and patriotic example.

You are sensible, that on this melancholly event, our Constitution directs that the Lieutenant Governour,1 for the time being, shall perform all the duties which were incumbent on him, and exercise all the powers and authorities, during the vacancy of the chair, which by the Constitution, he was vested with when personally present. Diffident as I am of my abilities, I have yet felt myself constrained, to undertake the performance of those duties, and the exercise of those powers and authorities, in consequence of a sovereign act of God. To Him I look for that wisdom which is profitable to direct. The Constitution must be my rule, and the true interest of my Constituents, whose agent I am, my invariable object.

The people of this Commonwealth, have heretofore been possessed of the intire sovereignty within and over their own territories. They were "not controul-able by any other laws than those to which their constituted representative body gave their consent." This, I presume, was the case in every other State of the Union.--But, after the memorable declaration of their Independence was by solemn treaty, agreed to and ratified by the British King, the only power that could have any pretence to dispute it, they considered themselves decidedly free and independent of all other people. Having taken rank among nations, it was judged that their great affairs could not well be conducted under the direction of a number of distinct sovereignties. They therefore formed and adopted a Federal Constitution; by which certain powers of sovereignty are delegated and entrusted to such persons as they shall judge proper from time to time to elect; to be exercised conformably to, and within the restrictions of the said Constitution, for the purposes of strengthening and confirming the Union, and promoting the safety and happiness of the confederate Commonwealth. All powers not vested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercised according to their respective Constitutions.--Should not unremitting caution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement might take place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the one side, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of this kind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body of men, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its present state, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors. Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takes possession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceiving it themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, when mistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship, nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignity degraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of the Constitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in a conspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration of rights, "all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential and unalienable rights." In the supposed state of nature, all men are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly, the laws of the Creator:--They are imprinted by the finger of God on the heart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice of nature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In the state of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means to acquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his own happiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in the pursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish the feelings of others, that in such a state, there being no social compact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of the strong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues of the selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men, naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutual compact for the better security of their natural rights. In this state of society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:--And each member is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No man can of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it, he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength, the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusive privilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues a very capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will alter their compact, and extinguish the very idea.

These opinions, I conceive to be conformable to the sentiments held up in our State Constitution. It is therein declared, that Government is instituted for the common good; not for the profit, honor or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men. And further, all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, having such qualifications, as shall be established by their Constitution, have an equal right to elect or be elected for the public employments.

Before the formation of this Constitution, it had been affirmed as a self evident truth, in the declaration of Independence, very deliberately made by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled that, "all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." This declaration of Independence was received and ratified by all the States in the Union, and has never been disannulled. May we not from hence conclude, that the doctrine of Liberty and Equality is an article in the political creed of the United States.

Our Federal Constitution ordains that, no title of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The framers of that Constitution probably foresaw that such titles, vain and insignificant in themselves, might be in time, as they generally, and I believe always have been, the introductory to the absurd and unnatural claims of hereditary and exclusive privileges.

The Republic of France have also adopted the same principle, and laid it as the foundation of their Constitution. That nation having for many ages groaned under the exercise of the pretended right claimed by their Kings and Nobles, until their very feelings as men were become torpid, at length suddenly awoke, from their long slumber, abolished the usurpation, and placed every man upon the footing of equal rights. "All men are born free and equal in rights," if I mistake not, is their language.

>From the quotations I have made, I think it appears, that the Constitutions referred to, different as they may be in forms, agree altogether in the most essential principles upon which legitimate governments are founded. I have said essential principles, because I conceive that without Liberty and Equality, there cannot exist that tranquillity of mind, which results from the assurance of every citizen, that his own personal safety and rights are secure:--This, I think is a sentiment of the celebrated Montesquieu; and it is the end and design of all free and lawful Governments. Such assurance, impressed upon the heart of each, would lead to the peace, order and happiness of all. For I should think, no man, in the exercise of his reason would be inclined in any instance to trespass upon the equal rights of citizens, knowing that if he should do it, he would weaken and risque the security of his own. Even different nations, having grounded their respective Constitutions upon the afore-mentioned principles, will shortly feel the happy effects of mutual friendship, mutual confidence and united strength. Indeed I cannot but be of opinion, that when those principles shall be rightly understood and universally established, the whole family and brotherhood of man will then nearly approach to, if not fully enjoy that state of peace and prosperity, which ancient Prophets and Sages have foretold.

I fear I have dwelt too long upon this subject. Another presents itself to my mind, which I think is indeed great and important; I mean the education of our children and youth. Perhaps the minds even of infants may receive impressions, good or bad, at an earlier period than many imagine. It has been observed, that "education has a greater influence on manners, than human laws can have." Human laws excite fears and apprehensions, least crimes committed may be detected and punished: But a virtuous education is calculated to reach and influence the heart, and to prevent crimes. A very judicious writer, has quoted Plato, who in shewing what care for the security of States ought to be taken of the education of youth, speaks of it as almost sufficient to supply the place both of Legislation and Administration. Such an education, which leads the youth beyond mere outside shew, will impress their minds with a profound reverence of the Deity, universal benevolence, and a warm attachment and affection towards their country. It will excite in them a just regard to Divine Revelation, which informs them of the original character and dignity of Man; and it will inspire them with a sense of true honor, which consists in conforming as much as possible, their principles, habits, and manners to that original character. It will enlarge their powers of mind, and prompt them impartially to search for truth in the consideration of every subject that may employ their thoughts; and among other branches of knowledge, it will instruct them in the skill of political architecture and jurisprudence; and qualify them to discover any error, if there should be such, in the forms and administration of Governments, and point out the method of correcting them. But I need not press this subject, being persuaded, that this Legislature from the inclination of their minds, as well as in regard to the duty enjoined by the Constitution, will cherish "the interest of Literature, the Sciences and all their Seminaries."

Fellow-Citizens,

Legislation is within your department; yet the Constitution assigns a part to be taken by the Governor when Bills, and Resolves intended to operate as Laws, shall be presented to him, which is, merely to state objections if he has any, of which the Legislature will judge and finally determine. Let me in treat you to dispatch the weightier business, so early in the session, as to afford me opportunity to perform my duty, with due consideration and care.

I have communications to make, such as the state of the Treasury--of the military stores belonging to the Commonwealth, and others, which I will transmit to you by the Secretary.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Hancock died October 8, 1793, and Adams became Governor; he was thereafter elected to that office in the years 1794, 1795, and 1796.

PROCLAMATION.

FEBRUARY 19, 1794

Commonwealth of Massachusetts

BY HIS HONOR SAMUEL ADAMS, ESQ , LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS