1891-1901
IN 1891 the census once more gave authoritative figures as to the population of the metropolis of London. The population had increased from 3,830,297 to 4,228,317.
The increase had been in a somewhat lower ratio than the population of England and Wales as a whole, and the fact was notable inasmuch as it was the first time that such a phenomenon had presented itself, London having been found in every preceding intercensal period to have gained more or less in its proportions as compared with the country at large.
The movements of population had followed very much the same lines as in the previous decade. In the central parts--under the pressure of the great economic forces--the population had increased. In the outer parts it had increased, but "the wide belt of suburbs was beginning to show some signs of repletion."
Immigration into London had greatly diminished in the decade. Fewer immigrants had come from the various counties of England and Wales, and the proportion of the inhabitants of London who had been born elsewhere had fallen from 308 persons per 1,000 in 1881 to 283 in 1891.
Thus the influx of country people, mostly in the prime of life, and the admixture of fresh country blood into the urban population of London was undergoing diminution--a circumstance which, in the long run, would materially influence the physique of the people.
Three important facts came into view with the figures set out in the census, giving food for thoughtful minds as regarded the future of London.
The first was that the rate of increase of the population had again slackened off. The flood tide of population was not now flowing so fast.
The second was that the population was being affected by migration. The natural increase of the population had been 510,384, the actual increase 396,199--so that London had lost by the excess of emigration over immigration more than 114,000 persons. This was the first time such an event had happened.
London's boundaries, however, were very arbitrary and haphazard, and this emigration was probably only to places immediately outside London for residence at night, whilst work was performed in London during the day--as illustrated by the "City" and the Strand, where huge differences existed between the day and night populations. The figures showed, however, a movement of population which was bound to have an effect upon the sanitary condition of the people.
A third and portentous fact, ascertained correctly by aid of the census figures, was the decline of the birth-rate in London. This had fallen remarkably since 1881. It was then 34·7 per 1,000 living. It was now 31·9.
Deducible from the census figures, reliable calculations could also be made as to the death-rate in the metropolis.
In 1891 it was practically the same as in 1881, being 21·4 per 1,000. It might be inferred that these latter figures did not afford much testimony to the effects of sanitary administration and labours, but the pause in the steady decline was only a temporary one.
The authoritative and accurate records thus afforded decennially by the census are invaluable in tracing some of the most important developments in the sanitary evolution of London.
Another very noteworthy change was also brought into prominence by the census. This was the continued rapid growth of the population immediately outside the boundaries of the County of London.
Between 1871 and 1881 it had increased 312,000. Between 1881 and 1891 it had increased by 469,000, and now in 1891 it stood at 1,405,000, having more than doubled since 1871.
A passage in the report of the Medical Officer of Health for Islington in 1895 illustrates this so far as his own district was concerned:--
"The fact cannot be burked that many of the better classes have gone further into the country to live, induced to do so by the increased facilities for travelling that railways have provided.... The same facilities have also checked the influx of people to the same extent as formerly, so that now in northern London people are flocking to Hornsea and Hampstead and thereaway."
The fact was that the metropolis had burst its boundaries, and just as it had grown up around the "City" so now the "outer ring," as it was called, was growing up around it.
How little reliance could be placed on the intercensal estimates of Medical Officers of Health as to the number of inhabitants and the death-rate, is illustrated by the following passage from the report of the Medical Officer of Health for Islington in 1891:--
"There was an error amounting to nearly 50,000 in the estimated population of the parish in 1891; consequently all statistics based on the estimated figures during the decade 1881-91 are more or less erroneous."
Also "the mortality returns were not kept in such a manner as to lead to accuracy, for while all deaths of non-residents were excluded, the deaths of residents dying outside the district in similar institutions were not included.
"It is impossible to make an accurate statement as to the correct meaning of the mortality returns--the returns are erroneous."
A similar miscalculation was made by the Vestry of St. George, Hanover Square. In their report for 1890-1 they stated that they had no reason to believe that the population was much different from what it was in 1871 and 1881. The census, however, showed that it had fallen over 11,000.
In each successive census the number of inhabited houses in London was enumerated. In this one the number was 547,120--being an increase of nearly 60,000; but not much instruction was to be obtained from such general figures beyond the fact that houses were becoming more and more densely packed.
The substitution of blocks of dwellings for small houses had also made considerable progress during the intercensal period.
The same reasons as to the diminution of the number of houses in the central parts of London continued to be given by Medical Officers of Health.
In St. George-in-the-East it had been brought about "by the extension of warehouses and the demolition of insanitary property." In St. Martin-in-the-Fields it was "due to many former residents having removed to the country, and to the demolition of so many houses for improvements." In the Strand to the fact that the district was becoming like all the central parts of London, "a business, as distinguished from a residential district." The Vestry of St. James' reported that "buildings formerly occupied as dwellings were being replaced by warehouses and business premises commanding a higher rent. As the centre of trade extends, this condition of things must be expected to continue, just as the increasing volume of trade has converted the City of London at night from a populous place to little more than a city of caretakers," and they drew attention to the "enormous number of people engaged in business in the parish during the day time who resided elsewhere."
On the south side of the river the same story was told. The Medical Officer of Health for Lambeth remarking in his report that--
"The displacement of population from the central districts of Lambeth, and the settlement of population in those districts which are situated in the outer ring, or on the circumference of the inner, is a part of a greater movement which affects the whole metropolitan area."
The census of 1891 is specially memorable by the fact that for the first time a mass of most valuable information was obtained which was wholly new, and which threw a blaze of light upon the condition of the housing of the population of London.
For the first time full details were obtained and published as to the numbers of the people living in tenements of less than five rooms and the numbers and character of the tenements they lived in.
A tenement was defined as "any house or part of a house separately occupied either by the owner or by a tenant."
These tenements were classified into those of one room, two rooms, three rooms, and four rooms; and the number of persons inhabiting each of these classes of tenements was given.
The nearest approach to information of this sort had been given by Mr. Marchant Williams in 1884, but it was only for a particular area in London. The information now given related to the whole of London.
The total number of tenements in London in 1891 was stated to be 937,606.
Of these, 630,569 were tenements of less than five rooms. And of these--
172,502 were tenements of one room. 189,707 " " two rooms. 153,189 " " three " 115,171 " " four "
An examination of the detailed figures revealed some astounding facts.
In the central group of parishes and districts, in the parish of St. Luke 21,937 persons, or over one-half of the population, lived in tenements of one or two rooms; in Clerkenwell, over 33,000 persons; and in Holborn, over 16,000--practically one-half.
In the eastern group, in Whitechapel, close on 33,000 people, or over 44 per cent., lived in tenements of one or two rooms. In Shoreditch, over 50,000, or 40 per cent.; in Bethnal Green, 45,000 persons, or 38·4 per cent.; in St. George-in-the-East, 43 per cent. of the population.
In the northern group, in St. Pancras 95,000, or over 40 per cent., lived in tenements of one or two rooms; and in one district of the Parish, namely Somerstown, 57 per cent. of the population were living in such tenements. In St. Marylebone over 58,000 lived in such tenements.
In the western group over 173,000 persons lived in tenements of one or two rooms.
And on the south side of the Thames, in Bermondsey close upon 24,000 lived in tenements of one or two rooms; in Camberwell, 30,000; in Lambeth, 61,000; in Newington, 31,000; in St. Saviour over 41 per cent., and in St. George-the-Martyr 26,000, or over 43 per cent.
And examining the numbers of persons living in one-room tenements, it appeared that in Chelsea one-tenth of the population lived in such tenements; in St. Marylebone somewhat less than a sixth; in Holborn a fifth; and in St. George-in-the-East between a fourth and a fifth. These figures show how large a proportion of the population began, spent, and ended their existence within the four walls of a single-room tenement.
The total result shown was that in the metropolis 1,063,000 persons, or one quarter of the population, lived in one- or two-room tenements, and 1,250,000 in three- or four-room tenements; making a total of over 2,310,000, or well over half of the population living in tenements of less than five rooms.
Of still deeper interest and import was the information obtained as to that dreadful factor in London life--"overcrowding." An effort was now for the first time made to get reliable information upon this matter. Hitherto it was only by piecing together the statements made by some of the Medical Officers of Health as to overcrowding in their respective parishes that one could form even the crudest idea of what the sum total in London actually amounted to.
Here, at last, was material enabling accurate calculations to be made, not only of overcrowding in each separate parish or district, but in London as a whole.
The Census Commissioners laid down the principle--
"That ordinary tenements which have more than two occupants per room, bedrooms and sitting-rooms included, may be considered as unduly overcrowded.
"We may," they wrote, "be tolerably certain that the rooms in tenements with less than five rooms will not in any but exceptional cases be of large size, and that ordinary tenements which have more than two occupants per room, bedrooms and sitting-rooms included, may safely be considered as unduly overcrowded."
By using the information given in the tables, and excluding all one-roomed tenements with not more than two occupants, all two-roomed tenements with not more than four occupants, all three-roomed tenements with not more than six, and all four-roomed tenements with not more than eight occupants, the desired information would be obtained. And they added:--
"Each Sanitary Authority is now provided with the means of examining with much precision into the house accommodation of its district."
Provided with the tables as to the occupants of tenements, the Medical Officer of Health for the London County Council, in his report for 1891, worked out the figures for the metropolis. The result showed that there were in London 145,513 tenements of less than five rooms apiece, in each of which there were more than two inhabitants per room, and each of which consequently was "overcrowded."
But it is when one ascertains the number of persons living in these overcrowded tenements that one realises what the extent of overcrowding was. In round numbers, one-fifth of the entire population of London lived in these tenements. The total population was 4,200,000; the number of "overcrowded" persons was 830,000.
A few illustrations of the overcrowding in certain parishes brings the meaning of these figures home still more.
In Clerkenwell, 25,600 persons lived in overcrowded tenements; in St. Luke, 18,700 persons; in Shoreditch, 41,700; in Islington, 64,600; in Kensington, 28,700; in Lambeth, 43,600. The larger proportion of these lived in one- or two-room tenements.
Figures are dry things to read and difficult to understand. To appreciate the true meaning and import of these, and to enable one who reads them to at all realise the conditions of existence of these hundreds of thousands of people, one must recall to mind the descriptions given by many of the Medical Officers of Health of tenement-houses; of all the misery, the filth, the sickness, the physical and moral degradation of life in tenement-rooms.
These facts now for the first time revealed the full magnitude and momentous nature of the problem of the sanitary housing of the people.
The year 1891 is memorable in the history of the sanitary evolution of London for "the Public Health (London) Act, 1891," which consolidated and amended the laws then existing in connection with the public health of the metropolis.
The state of the law was recognised as very unsatisfactory, being scattered over some thirty statutes or more--a condition of things which was greatly to the disadvantage of the public health of London.
Moreover, in accordance with the extraordinary custom, London, which on account of its huge population needed sanitary legislation almost more than any other place, had been excepted from much sanitary legislation which had been in operation for many years, with the most beneficial results, in the remainder of the country. Part of this legislation was at long last extended to London. Many amendments were made, recommendations of the Royal Commission of 1884 were given effect to, new provisions introduced, and the general result was a Sanitary Code for London--imperfect still in some important respects, but a great advance on anything which London had previously possessed.
The Act came into operation on the 1st of January, 1892, and it applied to the Administrative County of London only; some few of the provisions extending to the "City."
And for the first time the new Central Authority--the County Council--with extended powers, occupied a prominent place in this legislation.
Once more did Parliament enact the oft-ignored direction that "it shall be the duty of every sanitary authority to cause to be made from time to time inspection of their district" for detection of nuisances--a duty so shamelessly neglected--and "to put in force the powers vested in them relating to public health and local government so as to secure the proper sanitary condition of all premises in their district."
With a view to secure fit and proper persons as Medical Officers of Health and Sanitary Inspectors, their appointment was made subject to the regulations of the Local Government Board.
The Act greatly strengthened the law both as to the prevention and definition of nuisances. It provided for the immediate abatement of a nuisance, not only where actually proved to be injurious or prejudicial to health, but also where it was dangerous to health. It gave to any person the right to give information of nuisances to the sanitary authority instead of that right being limited to the person affected by the nuisance; and it extended to a Sanitary Authority the power to take proceedings for the abatement of nuisances arising in the district of another authority should the nuisance injuriously affect the inhabitants of their own district. It transferred from the police to the local authority the enforcement of the provisions of the law against smoke nuisances. It dealt with the removal of refuse. It extended the previous laws as to the adulteration of food and drugs, and the inspection of articles intended for the food of man. It enacted that a newly-erected dwelling-house must not be occupied until a certificate had been obtained of the Sanitary Authority to the effect that a proper and sufficient supply of water exists; and made the provisions as to the occupation of underground rooms as dwellings more stringent and effective.
The notification and prevention of the infectious and epidemic diseases, the provision of hospitals, ambulances, and many other branches of the great subject--the health of the public--were legislated upon. Additional duties were imposed on the Sanitary Authority in the matter of disinfection; the practical result of which was that the whole cost of disinfecting houses, and cleansing and disinfecting bedding, clothing, &c., was thrown upon the rates. In several matters the option given in previous legislation to local authorities to administer the law was taken away, and the duty made imperative. Parliament evidently had realised the hostility of many of the Vestries to administering some of the principal provisions of sanitary law, and the word "shall" figured much more frequently than ever before.
The hitherto optional provision of mortuaries by the sanitary authorities was made compulsory, the need for suitable and convenient places for the reception of the dead during the time that bodies are awaiting burial having long been felt, particularly in the poorer districts, where bodies awaiting burial were of necessity frequently kept in living rooms under conditions dangerous to health, especially where the case was an infectious one.
Among these "shalls" was that most important of all health subjects--overcrowding--and the condition of the tenement-houses of London. In this matter the local authorities had through a quarter of a century been tried in the balance and found wanting, and it was enacted (Sec. 94):--
"Every Sanitary Authority shall make and enforce such bye-laws as are requisite for the following matters (that is to say): (a) for fixing the number of persons who may inhabit a house, or part of a house, which is let in lodgings; (b) for the registration of houses so let or occupied; (c) for the inspection of such houses; ... (d) for enforcing drainage for such houses, and for promoting cleanliness and ventilation in such houses; (e) for the cleansing and lime-washing at stated times of the premises; (f) for the taking of precautions in case of any infectious disease."
In another matter, which the Vestries had long opposed, their hostility was overborne. They were now required to appoint "an adequate number of fit and proper persons as sanitary inspectors," and, in case of their failure to do so, the Local Government Board was enabled, on the complaint of the Council, to order the appointment of a proper number.
The new Central Authority, directly representative of the whole of London, was not constituted the chief sanitary authority for London, nor even a sanitary authority. It was given power to make bye-laws for the prevention of nuisances of various sorts in London, except as regarded the "City," to license cow-houses, and slaughter-houses, to appoint Inspectors to inspect them, and also dairies and milkshops, and it could extend the number of infectious diseases to be notified.
But most important of all was the power given to the County Council (by
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