CHAPTER XI. The Jacksonian Succession

THE JACKSONIAN SUCCESSION

"Oh, hang General Jackson," exclaimed Fanny Kemble one day, after dinner, in the cabin of the ship that brought her, in the summer of 1832, to the United States. Even before she set foot on our shores, the brilliant English actress was tired of the din of politics and bored by the incessant repetition of the President's name. Subsequently she was presented at the White House and had an opportunity to form her own opinion of the "monarch" whose name and deeds were on everybody's lips; and the impression was by no means unfavorable. "Very tall and thin he was," says her journal, "but erect and dignified; a good specimen of a fine old, well-battered soldier; his manners perfectly simple and quiet, and, therefore, very good."

Small wonder that the name of Jackson was heard wherever men and women congregated in 1832! Something more than half of the people of the country were at the moment trying to elect the General to a second term as President, and something less than half were putting forth their best efforts to prevent such a "calamity." Three years of Jacksonian rule had seen the civil service revolutionized, the Cabinet banished from its traditional place in the governmental system, and the conduct of the executive branch given a wholly new character and bent. Internal improvements had been checked by the Maysville Road veto. The United States Bank had been given a blow, through another veto, which sent it staggering. Political fortunes had been made and unmade by a wave of the President's hand. The first attempt of a State to put the stability of the Union to the test had brought the Chief Executive dramatically into the rÙle of defender of the nation's dignity and perpetuity. No previous President had so frequently challenged the attention of the public; none had kept himself more continuously in the forefront of political controversy.

Frail health and close application to official duties prevented Jackson from traveling extensively during his eight years in the White House. He saw the Hermitage but once in this time, and on but one occasion did he venture far from the capital. This was in the summer of 1833, when he toured the Middle States and New England northward as far as Concord, New Hampshire. Accompanied by Van Buren, Lewis Cass, Levi Woodbury, and other men of prominence, the President set off from Washington in early June. At Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and intervening cities the party was received with all possible demonstrations of regard. Processions moved through crowded streets; artillery thundered salutes; banquet followed banquet; the enthusiasm of the masses was unrestrained. At New York the furnishings of the hotel suite occupied by the President were eventually auctioned off as mementoes of the occasion.

New England was, in the main, enemy country. None the less, the President was received there with unstinted goodwill. Edward Everett said that only two other men had ever been welcomed in Boston as Jackson was. They were Washington and La Fayette. The President's determined stand against nullification was fresh in mind, and the people, regardless of party, were not slow to express their appreciation. Their cordiality was fully reciprocated. "He is amazingly tickled with the Yankees," reports a fellow traveler more noted for veracity than for elegance of speech, "and the more he sees on 'em, the better he likes 'em. 'No nullification here,' says he. 'No,' says I, 'General; Mr. Calhoun would stand no more chance down east than a stumped-tail bull in fly time.'"

To the infinite disgust of John Quincy Adams, Harvard University conferred upon the distinguished visitor the honorary degree of doctor of laws. In the course of the ceremony one of the seniors delivered, in Latin, a salutatory concluding with the words: "Harvard welcomes Jackson the President. She embraces Jackson the Patriot." "A splendid compliment, sir, a splendid compliment," declared the honored guest after Woodbury had translated the phrases for his benefit; "but why talk about so live a thing as patriotism in a dead language?" At the close of the exercises the students filed past the President and were introduced to him, each greeting him, "to the infinite edification and amusement of the grizzly old warrior," by his new title Doctor Jackson. The wits of the opposition lost no opportunity to poke fun at the President's accession to the brotherhood of scholars. As he was closing a speech some days later an auditor called out, "You must give them a little Latin, Doctor." In nowise abashed, the President solemnly doffed his hat again, stepped to the front of the platform, and resumed: "E pluribus unum, my friends, sine qua non!"

Life at the White House, as one writer has remarked, lost under Jackson something of the good form of the Virginia rÈgime, but it lost nothing of the air of domesticity. Throughout the two Administrations the mistress of the mansion was Mrs. Andrew Jackson Donelson, wife of the President's secretary and in every respect a very capable woman. Of formality there was little or none. Major Lewis was a member of the presidential household, and other intimates--Van Buren, Kendall, Blair, Hill--dropped in at anytime, "before breakfast, or in the evening, as inclination prompted." The President was always accessible to callers, whether or not their business was important. Yet he found much time, especially in the evenings, for the enjoyment of his long reed pipe with red clay bowl, in the intimacy of the White House living room, with perhaps a Cabinet officer to read dispatches or other state papers to him in a corner, while the ladies sewed and chatted and half a dozen children played about the room.

Social affairs there were, of course. But they were simple enough to please the most ardent Jeffersonian--much too simple to please people accustomed to somewhat rigorous etiquette. Thus George Bancroft, who had the reputation of being one of Washington's most punctilious gentlemen, thought well of Jackson's character but very poorly of his levees. In describing a White House reception which he attended in 1831, he wrote:

The old man stood in the center of a little circle, about large enough for a cotillion, and shook hands with everybody that offered. The number of ladies who attended was small; nor were they brilliant. But to compensate for it there was a throng of apprentices, boys of all ages, men not civilized enough to walk about the room with their hats off; the vilest promiscuous medley that ever was congregated in a decent house; many of the lowest gathering round the doors, pouncing with avidity upon the wine and refreshments, tearing the cake with the ravenous keenness of intense hunger; starvelings, and fellows with dirty faces and dirty manners; all the refuse that Washington could turn forth from its workshops and stables.

The "people" still ruled. Yet it was only the public receptions that presented such scenes of disorder. The dinners which the President occasionally gave were well appointed. A Philadelphia gentleman who was once invited to the White House with two or three friends testifies that "the dinner was very neat and served in excellent taste, while the wines were of the choicest qualities. The President himself dined on the simplest fare: bread, milk, and vegetables."

Jackson was never a rich man, and throughout his stay in the White House he found it no easy matter to make ends meet. He entertained his personal friends and official guests royally. He lavished hospitality upon the general public, sometimes spending as much as a thousand or fifteen hundred dollars on a single levee. He drew a sharp line between personal and public expenditures, and met out of his own pocket outlays that under administrations both before and after were charged to the public account. He loaned many thousands of dollars, in small amounts, to needy friends, to old comrades in arms, and especially to widows and orphans of his soldiery and of his political supporters; and a large proportion of these debts he not only never collected but actually forgot. Receipts from the Hermitage farm during his years of absence were small, and fire in 1834 made necessary a rebuilding of the family residence at considerable cost. The upshot was that when, in 1837, the General was preparing to leave Washington, he had to scrape together every available dollar in cash, and in addition pledge the cotton crop of his plantation six months ahead for a loan of six thousand dollars, in order to pay the bills outstanding against him in the capital.

Meanwhile the country came to the election of 1836. From the time of Van Buren's withdrawal from the Cabinet in 1831 to become, with Jackson's full approval, a candidate for the vice presidency, there never was doubt that the New Yorker would be the Democratic presidential nominee in 1836, or that his election would mean a continuation, in most respects, of the Jacksonian rÈgime. Never did a President more clearly pick his successor. There was, of course, some protest within the party. Van Buren was not popular, and it required all of the personal and official influence that the President could bring to bear, backed up by judicious use of the patronage, to carry his program through. At that, his own State rebelled and, through a resolution of the Legislature, put itself behind the candidacy of Senator Hugh L. White. The bold actions of his second Administration, defiant alike of precedent and opposition, had alienated many of the President's more intelligent and conservative followers. Yet the allegiance of the masses was unshaken; and when the Democratic convention assembled at Baltimore in May, 1835,--a year and a half before the election--the nomination of Van Buren was secured without a dissenting vote. There was no need to adopt a platform; everybody understood that Jackson's policies were the platform, and that Jackson himself was as truly before the electorate as if he had been a candidate for a third term. In his letter of acceptance Van Buren met all expectations by declaring his purpose "to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jackson."

The anti-Administration forces entered the campaign with no flattering prospects. Since 1832 their opposition to "executive usurpation" had won for them a new party name, "Whig." But neither their opposition nor any other circumstance had given them party solidarity. National Republicans, anti-Masons, converted Jacksonians, state rights men--upon what broad and constructive platform could they hope to unite? They had no lack of able presidential aspirants. There was Clay, the National Republican candidate in 1832; there was Webster, of whom Jackson once said that he would never be President because he was "too far east, knows too much, and is too honest"; and there were lesser lights, such as Judge John McLean. But, again, how could the many discordant groups be rallied to the support of any single leader?

Jackson predicted in 1834 that his opponents would nominate William Henry Harrison, because "they have got to take up a soldier; they have tried orators enough." The prophecy was a shrewd one, and in 1840 it was fulfilled to the letter. Upon the present occasion, however, the leaders decided to place no single nominee in the field, but rather to bring forward a number of candidates who could be expected to develop local strength and so to split the vote as to throw the final choice into the House of Representatives. This seemed the only hope of circumventing Van Buren's election. Four sectional candidates entered the race: Webster was backed by New England; the Northwest united on Harrison; the Southwest joined the Tennessee revolters in support of White; Ohio had her own candidate in the person of McLean.

The plan was ingenious, but it did not work. Van Buren received 170 electoral votes against 124 in spite of his opponents. He carried fifteen of the twenty-six States, including four in New England. Harrison received 73 votes, White 26 (including those of Tennessee), and Webster 14. South Carolina refused to support any of the candidates on either side and threw away her votes on W.P. Mangum of North Carolina. The Democrats kept control of both branches of Congress.

Victory, therefore, rested with the Jacksonians--which means with Jackson himself. The Democrats would have control of both the executive and legislative branches of the Government for some years to come; the Bank would not soon be re-chartered; the veto power would remain intact; federal expenditure upon internal improvements had been curbed, and the "American system" had been checked; the national debt was discharged and revenue was superabundant; Jackson could look back over the record of his Administrations with pride and forward to the rule of "Little Van" with satisfaction. "When I review the arduous administration through which I have passed," declared the President soon after the results of the election were made known, "the formidable opposition, to its very close, of the combined talents, wealth, and power of the whole aristocracy of the United States, aided as it is by the moneyed monopolies of the whole country with their corrupting influence, with which we had to contend, I am truly thankful to my God for this happy result."

Congress met on the 5th of December for the closing session of the Administration. The note of victory pervaded the President's message. Yet there was one more triumph to be won: the resolution of censure voted by the Senate in 1834 was still officially on the record book. Now it was that Benton finally procured the passage of his expunging resolution, although not until both branches of Congress had been dragged into controversy more personal and acrid, if possible, than any in the past eight years. The action taken was probably unconstitutional. But Jackson's "honor" was vindicated, and that was all that he and his friends saw, or cared to see, in the proceeding.

As early as 1831 the President conceived the idea of issuing a farewell address to the people upon the eve of his retirement; and a few weeks before the election of Van Buren he sent to Taney a list of subjects which he proposed to touch upon in the document, requesting him to "throw on paper" his ideas concerning them. The address was issued on March 4, 1837, and followed closely the copy subsequently found in Taney's handwriting in the Jackson manuscripts. Its contents were thoroughly commonplace, being indeed hardly more than a rÈsumÈ of the eight annual messages; and it might well have been dismissed as the amiable musings of a garrulous old man. But nothing associated with the name of Jackson ever failed to stir controversy. The Whigs ridiculed the egotism which underlay the palpable imitation of Washington. "Happily," said the New York American, "it is the last humbug which the mischievous popularity of this illiterate, violent, vain, and iron-willed soldier can impose upon a confiding and credulous people." The Democrats, however, lauded the address, praised the wisdom and sincerity of its author, and laid away among their most valued mementoes the white satin copies which admiring friends scattered broadcast over the country.

Showered with evidences of undiminished popularity, the General came down to his last day in office. One enthusiast sent him a light wagon made entirely of hickory sticks with the bark upon them. Another presented a phaeton made of wood taken from the old frigate Constitution. A third capped the climax by forwarding from New York a cheese four feet in diameter, two feet thick, and weighing fourteen hundred pounds--twice as large, the Globe fondly pointed out, as the cheese presented to Jefferson under similar circumstances a quarter of a century earlier. From all parts of the country came callers, singly and in delegations, to pay their respects and to assure the outgoing Chief of their goodwill and admiration. March 4, 1837, was a raw, disagreeable day. But Jackson, pale and racked by disease, rode with his chosen successor to the place where he had himself assumed office eight years before, and sat uncovered while the oath was administered and the inaugural delivered. The suave, elegantly dressed Van Buren was politely applauded as the new Chief to whom respect was due. But it was the tall, haggard, white-haired soldier-politician who had put Van Buren where he was who awoke the spontaneous enthusiasm of the crowds.

Three days after the inauguration Jackson started for the Hermitage. His trip became a series of ovations, and he was obliged several times to pause for rest. At last he reached Nashville, where once again, as in the old days of the Indian wars, he was received with an acclaim deeply tinged by personal friendship and neighborly pride. A great banquet in his honor was presided over by James K. Polk, now Speaker of the national House of Representatives; and the orators vied one with another in extolling his virtues and depicting his services to the country. Then Jackson went on to the homestead whose seclusion he coveted.

No one knew better than the ex-President himself that his course was almost run. He was seventy years of age and seldom free from pain for an hour. He considered himself, moreover, a poor man--mainly, it appears, because he went back to Tennessee owing ten thousand dollars and with only ninety dollars in his pockets. He was, however, only "land poor," for his plantation of twenty-six hundred acres was rich and valuable, and he had a hundred and forty slaves--"servants" he always called them--besides large numbers of horses and cattle. A year or two of thrifty supervision brought his lands and herds back to liberal yields; his debts were soon paid off; and notwithstanding heavy outlays for his adopted son, whose investments invariably turned out badly, he was soon able to put aside all anxiety over pecuniary matters.

Established again in his old home, surrounded by congenial relatives and friends, respected by neighbors without regard to politics, and visited from time to time by notable foreigners and Americans, Jackson found much of satisfaction in his declining years. For a time he fully lived up to the promise made to Benton and Blair that he would keep clear of politics. His interest in the fortunes of his party, however, was not diminished by his retirement from public life. He corresponded freely with Van Buren, whose policies he in most respects approved; and as the campaign of 1840 approached the "old war-horse began once more to sniff the battle from afar." Admitting to his friends that the situation looked "a little dubious," he exerted himself powerfully to bring about the reÎlection of the New Yorker. He wrote a letter belittling the military qualities of the Whig candidate, thereby probably doing the Democratic cause more harm than good; and finally, to avert the humiliation of a Whig victory in Tennessee, he "took the stump" and denounced the enemy up and down through all western Tennessee and southern Kentucky. But "Tippecanoe and Tyler too" was too much for him; the Whig candidates carried both Tennessee and Kentucky and won the nation-wide contest by 234 to 60 electoral votes.

The old warrior took the defeat--his defeat, he always regarded it--philosophically, and at once began to lay plans for a recovery of Democratic supremacy in 1844. For another quadrennium his hand was on the party throttle. When men speculated as to whether Van Buren, General Cass, General Butler, or Senator Benton would be the standard bearer in 1844, they always asked what Jackson's edict on the subject would be; and the final selection of James K. Polk, while not fully dictated by the ex-President, was the result of a compromise in which his advice played a prominent part. Though past seventy-seven and hardly able to sign his name, Jackson threw himself into the campaign and undoubtedly contributed to the election of his fellow-Tenneseean. His satisfaction with the outcome and with the annexation of Texas which quickly followed found expression in a barbecue attended by all the Democrats of the neighborhood and by some of note from a distance. "We have restored the Government to sound principles," declared the host in a brief, faltering speech from the Hermitage portico, "and extended the area of our institutions to the Rio Grande. Now for Oregon and Fifty-four-forty."

Oregon--although not to fifty-four forty--was soon to be duly made American soil. But Jackson did not live to witness the event. Early in 1845 his health began to fail rapidly and on the very day of Polk's inauguration he was at the point of death. Rallying, he struggled manfully for three months against the combined effects of consumption, dropsy, and dysentery. But on Sunday, the 8th of June, the end came. In accordance with a pledge which he had given his wife years before, he had become a communicant of the Presbyterian church; and his last words to the friends about his bedside were messages of Christian cheer. After two days the body was laid to rest in the Hermitage garden, beside the grave of the companion whose loss he had never ceased to mourn with all the feeling of which his great nature was capable. The authorities at the national capital ordered public honors to be paid to the ex-President, and gatherings in all parts of the country listened with much show of feeling to appropriate eulogies.

"General Jackson," said Daniel Webster to Thurlow Weed in 1837, "is an honest and upright man. He does what he thinks is right, and does it with all his might. He has a violent temper, which leads him often to hasty conclusions. It also causes him to view as personal to himself the public acts of other men. For this reason there is great difference between Jackson angry and Jackson in good humor. When he is calm, his judgment is good; when angry, it is usually bad. . . . His patriotism is no more to be questioned than that of Washington. He is the greatest General we have and, except Washington, the greatest we ever had."

To this characterization of Andrew Jackson by his greatest American contemporary it is impossible to make noteworthy addition. His was a character of striking contradictions. His personal virtues were honesty, bravery, open-heartedness, chivalry toward women, hospitality, steadfastness. His personal faults were irascibility, egotism, stubbornness, vindictiveness, and intolerance of the opinions of others. He was not a statesman; yet some of the highest qualities of statesmanship were in him. He had a perception of the public will which has rarely been surpassed; and in most, if not all, of the great issues of his time he had a grasp of the right end of the question.

The country came to the belief that the National Bank should not be revived. It accepted and perpetuated Van Buren's independent treasury plan. The annexation of Texas, which Jackson strongly favored, became an accomplished fact with the approval of a majority of the people. The moderated protective tariff to which Jackson inclined was kept up until the Civil War. The removal of the Indians to reservations beyond the Mississippi fell in with the views of the public upon that subject and inaugurated an Indian policy which was closely adhered to for more than half a century. In his vindication of executive independence Jackson broke new ground, crudely enough it is true; yet, whatever the merits of his ideas at the moment, they reshaped men's conception of the presidency and helped make that office the power that it is today. The strong stand taken against nullification clarified popular opinion upon the nature of the Union and lent new and powerful support to national vigor and dignity.

Over against these achievements must be placed the introduction of the Spoils System, which debauched the Civil Service and did the country lasting harm; yet Jackson only responded to public opinion which held "rotation in office to be the cardinal principle of democracy." It needed a half-century of experience to convince the American people of this fallacy and to place the national Civil Service beyond the reach of spoilsmen. Even now public opinion is slow to realize that efficiency in office can be secured only by experience and relative permanence.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The events of the period covered in this volume are described with some fullness in all of the general American histories. Of these, two are especially noteworthy for literary quality and other elements of popular interest: Woodrow Wilson's History of the American People, 5 vols. (1902), and John B. McMaster's History of the People of the United States, 8 vols. (1883-1913). The Jacksonian epoch is treated in Wilson's fourth volume and in McMaster's fifth and sixth volumes. On similar lines, but with more emphasis on political and constitutional matters, is James Schouler's History of the United States under the Constitution, 7 vols. (1880-1913), vols. III-IV. One seeking a scholarly view of the period, in an adequate literary setting, can hardly do better, however, than to read Frederick J. Turner's Rise of the New West (1906) and William MacDonald's Jacksonian Democracy (1906). These are volumes XIV and XV in The American Nation, edited by Albert B. Hart.

Biographies are numerous and in a number of instances excellent. Of lives of Jackson, upwards of a dozen have been published. The most recent and in every respect the best is John S. Bassett's Life of Andrew Jackson, 2 vols. (1911). This work is based throughout on the sources; its literary quality is above the average and it appraises Jackson and his times in an unimpeachable spirit of fairness. Within very limited space, William G. Brown's Andrew Jackson (1900) tells the story of Jackson admirably; and a good biography, marred only by a lack of sympathy and by occasional inaccuracy in details, is William G. Sumner's Andrew Jackson (rev. ed., 1899). Of older biographies, the most important is James Parton's Life of Andrew Jackson, 3 vols. (1861). This work is sketchy, full of irrelevant or unimportant matter, and uncritical; but for a half-century it was the repository from which historians and biographers chiefly drew in dealing with Jackson's epoch. John H. Eaton's Life of Andrew Jackson (1842) describes Jackson's earlier career, mainly on the military side; but it never rises above the level of a campaign document.

Among biographies of Jackson's contemporaries may be mentioned George T. Curtis, Life of Daniel Webster, 2 vols. (1870); Henry C. Lodge, Daniel Webster (1883); John B. McMaster, Daniel Webster (1902); Frederic A. Ogg, Daniel Webster (1914); Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, 2 vols. (1887); Gaillard Hunt, John C. Calhoun (1908); William M. Meigs, The Life of John Caldwell Calhoun, 2 vols. (1917); John T. Morse, John Quincy Adams (1882); Edward M. Shepard, Martin Van Buren (1888); Theodore Roosevelt, Thomas Hart Benton (1888); and Theodore D. Jervey, Robert Y. Hayne and His Times (1909).

On many topics the reader will do well to go to monographs or other special works. Thus Jackson's policy of removals from public office is presented with good perspective in Carl R. Fish, The Civil Service and the Patronage (Harvard Historical Studies, xi, 1905). The history of the bank controversy is best told in Ralph C. H. Catterall, The Second Bank of the United States (1903); and interesting chapters in the country's financial history are presented in Edward G. Bourne, History of the Surplus Revenue of 1837 (1885), and David Kinley, The History, Organization, and Influence of the Independent Treasury of the United States (1893). On the tariff one should consult Frank W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States (6th ed., 1914) and Edward Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, 2 vols. (1903). Similarly illuminating studies of nullification are David F. Houston, Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina (Harvard Historical Studies, III, 1896) and Ulrich B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (American Historical Association Reports, 1901, II).

Aside from newspapers, and from collections of public documents of private correspondence, which cannot be enumerated here, the source materials for the period fall into two main classes: books of autobiography and reminiscence, and the writings of travelers. Most conspicuous in the first group is Thomas H. Benton, Thirty Years' View; or, a History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850, 2 vols. (1854). Benton was an active member of the Senate throughout the Jacksonian period, and his book gives an interesting and valuable first-hand account of the public affairs of the time. Amos Kendall's Autobiography (1872) is, unfortunately, hardly more than a collection of papers and scattered memoranda. Nathan Sargent's Public Men and Events, 1817-1853, 2 vols. (1875), consists of chatty sketches, with an anti-Jackson slant. Other books of contemporary reminiscence are Lyman Beecher's Autobiography, 2 vols. (1863-65); Robert Mayo's Political Sketches of Eight Years in Washington (1839); and S.C. Goodrich's Recollections of a Lifetime, 2 vols. (1856). The one monumental diary is John Quincy Adams, Memoirs; Comprising Portions of his Diary from 1795 to 1848 (ed. by Charles F. Adams, 12 vols., 1874-77). All things considered, there is no more important nonofficial source for the period.

In Jackson's day the United States was visited by an extraordinary number of Europeans who forthwith wrote books descriptive of what they had seen. Two of the most interesting--although the least flattering--of these works are Charles Dickens's American Notes for General Circulation (1842, and many reprints) and Mrs. Frances E. Trollope's Domestic Manners of the Americans (1832). Two very readable and generally sympathetic English accounts are Frances A. Kemble's Journal, 1832-1833, 2 vols. (1835) and Harriet Martineau's Society in America, 3 vols. (2d ed., 1837). The principal French work of the sort is M. Chevalier, Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States (Eng. trans. from 3d French ed., 1839). Political conditions in the country are described in Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Eng. trans. by Reeve in 2 vols., 1862), and the economic situation is set forth in detail in James S. Buckingham, America, Historical, Statistical and Descriptive, 2 vols. (1841), and The Slave States of America, 2 vols. (1842).

INDEX A Adams, John, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17. Adams, J. Q., Secretary of State, and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 62, 63, 64; candidate for presidency, 76-77, 82-83, 84, 86, 87, 88-93; and Jackson, 80, 93-94, 108, 122, 220; diary quoted, 88, 109; ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-92, 96; elected, 93; as President, 95-100, 104-106; personal characteristics, 96-97; abolishes patronage, 97-98; and internal improvements, 99, 100, 105; candidate for reÎlection (1828), 106, 109-110; no enthusiasm for, 113; on Calhoun, 139; and Indian question, 206; biography, 238. Alabama, Indians in, 202, 203, 204, 214. Ambrister, Robert, 58. American, New York, quoted, 229. Apalachicola River, Nicholls builds fort on, 53; Jacksonís army marches down, 57. Arbuthnot, Alexander, 53, 58. Aurora, Pennsylvania newspaper, 193. B Baltimore, welcomes Jackson, 64, 219; Democratic convention at (1835), 225. Bancroft, George, quoted, 222. Bank, United States, Jacksonís attitude toward, 79, 184-188; Adams and, 99; established, 138, 182; and the South, 140; war on, 181-200; Congress supports, 187; Jackson plans reorganization of, 187; bill to recharter, 189-191; bill vetoed, 190, 218; as political issue, 191; believed insolvent by Jackson, 192-193; removal of deposits, 193-195; senate censures Jackson for removal, 196-198; Whigs try to resurrect (1841), 200; bibliography, 239. Barry, W. T., Postmaster-General, 118. Bassett, J. S., biographer of Jackson, cited, 4, 238; quoted, 37. Benton, Jesse, Jackson encounters, 21, 33. Benton, T. H., 26, 149, 232, 233; Jackson fights with, 21, 33; quoted, 49, 113, 167; introduces bills against Adams, 105; on Van Burenís defeat as minister, 136; on Footeís resolution, 144; on Hayne, 147; and United States Bank question, 190-191, 195; and censure of Jackson, 197; biography, 238. Berrien, J. M., Attorney-General, 118. Biddle, Nicholas, President of United States Bank, 183, 184, 185-186, 187, 188, 189, 192, 195. Black Hawk War, 215. Blair, F. P., editor of the Globe, 130, 193, 221, 232. Blount, William, 17; Governor of Tennessee, 26, 28, 30, 35, 55, 74. Borgne, Lake, British army at, 40. Boston, endorses Jacksonís proclamation to South Carolina, 176; welcomes President Jackson, 219. Bowyer, Fort, British attempt to destroy, 39. Branch, John, Secretary of Navy, 118. Brown, Jacob, of New York, 51. Buchanan, James, author of ìcorrupt bargain,î 90. Burr, Aaron, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17; opinion of Jackson, 73. Butler, General, 233. C Cabinet, Jacksonís, 117-118, 129-130, 135-136, 193-194, 218; Kitchen, 130-131. Cadwalader, General Thomas, 110, 184. Calhoun, J. C., father makes home at Waxhaw, 5; Secretary of War, and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 56, 62, 135; aspirant for presidency, 77-78, 87, 103, 131; Jacksonís attitude toward, 80; candidate for vice presidency, 84; elected, 85; described by Adams, 109; reÎlected to vice presidency, 110; Eaton controversy, 132-134; against Van Buren, 134; sectionalist, 139; at Hayne-Webster debate, 149; change in political ideas, 159; Exposition, 161, 168; and nullification, 161, 162, 164-165, 166, 167-168, 171, 172; seeks support of South Carolina, 162; Address to the People of South Carolina, 168; Fort Hill Letter, 168; and tariff, 169; resigns vice presidency, 172; in Senate, 172, 196; on Indian policy, 216; bibliography, 238. Calhoun, Mrs. J. C., 134. Calhoun, Rebecca, marries Andrew Pickens, 5. Callava, JosÈ, Governor of Florida, 58-59, 65, 66, 67. Campbell, G. W., Senator from Tennessee, 23. Carrickfergus (Ireland), home of Jacksonís father, 1, 9. Carroll, William, 111. Cass, Lewis, Secretary of War, 136; accompanies Jackson to New England, 219; possible candidate for presidency, 233. Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Lord Viscount, quoted, 61. Caucus as nominating device, 81-82, 84. Charleston (S. C.), Andrew Jacksonís father arrives at, 1; Jackson in, 9, 10; preparations against, 173; nullifiers meet at, 178. Cherokee Indians, number, 203; location, 203; civilization, 204; and Georgia, 207-213; treaty with, 214; remainder removed from the East, 215. Cherokee Nation vs. State of Georgia, 210-211. Cheves, Langdon, exponent of broad constitutional construction, 159; President of United States Bank, 183. Chickasaw Indians, number, 203; location, 203; civilization, 203-204; removed, 214. Choctaw Indians, number, 203; location, 203; civilization, 203-204; removed, 214. Cincinnati greets Jackson, 115. Civil service, Adams and, 97-98; bibliography, 239; see also Spoils System. Claiborne, W. C. C., Governor-General and Intendant of Louisiana, 25. Clay, Henry, quoted, 43; and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 62, 63; candidate for presidency (1824), 78, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88; and Jackson, 80; ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-92; 96; Secretary of State, 94, 97, 105; and nationalism, 100; loses hope of presidency, 109; Compromise Tariff, 179; and United States Bank, 189, 196; on veto power, 190; nominee of National Republican party (1832), 191, 225; on disposal of proceeds from public lands, 199; on removal of Indians, 215-216. Clayton, J. M., of Delaware, 148. Clinton, DeWitt, toasted at Tammany dinner, 64. Cochrane, Sir Alexander Inglis, Admiral, sends news of peace to Jackson, 46. Cocke, General John, 33, 34. Cohens vs. Virginia, 141. Columbia (S. C.), ordinance of nullification drawn up at, 170-171, 174. Columbian Observer of Philadelphia, 89, 90. Concord (N. H.), Jackson goes to, 219. Congress, question of Jacksonís Florida expedition, 62-63; and Adams, 104-105; nationalistic laws, 138; Webster-Hayne debate, 145-157; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; Verplanck Bill, 178; and United States Bank, 187, 189-191, 196; Senate censures Jackson, 196-198, 228; Senate ratifies Indian treaty, 206; creates Indian reservation, 209. Constitution, Adams for liberal construction, 99; amendment proposed, 105; questions in 1828, 143; Webster-Hayne debate, 145-157. Corn Tassel, Cherokee executed in Georgia, 212. Cotton, influence of price on sentiment of South Carolina, 159. Crawford, W. H., at Waxhaw settlement, 5; and Jackson, 62, 80; supported by Van Buren, 64; candidate for presidency, 76, 77, 81, 82, 83, 86; health fails, 83-84; supporters ally themselves to Jackson, 103. Creek Indians, and Tecumseh, 25; massacre at Fort Mims, 31, 32; outbreak in South, 32-36; 52, 54-55; treaty with, 37-38; number, 203; location, 203; civilization, 203; dispossessed, 205-207, 214; see also Creek War, Seminole War. Creek War, 32-38. Cumberland River, Jacksonís army down the, 28. D Dale, Sam, and Jackson, 174. Davie, W. R., Governor of North Carolina, 5. Democratic party, and United States Bank, 195; convention (1835), 225. Dickerson, Mahlon, of New Jersey, 148. Dickinson, Charles, killed in duel by Jackson, 21. Donelson, A. J., nephew and private secretary of Jackson, 114, 130. Donelson, Mrs. A. J., mistress of White House, 114, 221. Donelson, John, helps found Nashville, 12; Jackson marries daughter of, 15. Duane, W. J., Secretary of Treasury, 193-194. E Earl, R. E. W., artist engaged in painting portraits of Jackson, 114. Eaton, J. H., and Jackson, 7-8, 52, 73, 116, 130; Secretary of War, 8, 117, 118, 208. Eaton, Mrs. J. H., 88, 132-134. Elections, Presidential, of 1824, 82-93, 95-96; manner of selecting President an issue of 1824, 84; ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-92, 96; proposed amendment to Constitution providing direct, 105; campaign of 1828, 106-110; of 1832, 187, 191; of 1836, 226-227; of 1840, 232; of 1844, 233. England, frontiersmanís attitude toward, 25; see also War of 1812. Everett, Edward, cited, 219. F Finance, national debt paid, 199; Government funds in state banks, 199; independent treasury system, 199-200, 235; see also Bank, United States; Tariff. Florida and Jackson, 22, 27-28, 30-31, 39-40, 51-61; Southwest longs for conquest of, 26; encourages Indian uprising, 32; Spain and, 52, 53, 55-56, 61; controversy over Jacksonís expedition, 61-64; United States treaty with Spain, 64. Foote, S. A., of Connecticut, 144. Force Bill, 177, 179; nullified by South Carolina convention, 180. Forsyth, John, of Georgia, 149. Fowltown, fight at, 54, 55. Franklin, ìWestern Districtî tries to set up State of, 12. Frelinghuysen, Theodore, of New Jersey, 148. Friends, Society of, protest removal of Indians, 216. G Gaines, General E. P., 54, 55. Gallatin, Albert, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17; describes Jackson, 18. Gazette, Nashville, 75. General Neville (river boat), Jackson travels down Ohio on, 101. Georgia, and state rights, 142; and tariff, 169; Indians of, 202, 203, 204, 205 et seq.; nullification, 213. Ghent, Treaty of, 43, 53, 137. Gibbs, General, 40. Girard Bank of Philadelphia, treasury receipts to be deposited in, 194. Globe, administration organ, 130, 230. Green, Duff, party manager for Jackson, 115; edits United States Telegraph, 118; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130. Grundy, Felix, of Tennessee, 74, 75, 149. H Hall, D. A., Federal district judge in New Orleans, 47. Hamilton J. A., 117, 118. Hamilton, James, Governor of South Carolina, 168, 170, 179. Harrisburg (Penn.), nominating convention at, 84. Harrison, W. H., Governor of Indiana, at Tippecanoe, 25; Jackson offers aid to, 26; resigns commission, 37; candidate for presidency, 226-227. Hartford Convention, 138. Harvard University confers degree on Jackson, 220. Havana, Jackson sends Spaniards to, 60. Hayne, R. Y., 110, 167; speech in Congress, 144-145; debate with Webster, 145-157; personal characteristics, 147; change in political ideas, 159, 163; and nullification, 162, 176; elected Governor of South Carolina, 172; biography, 239. Hermitage, The, Jacksonís home, 19-20, 50, 55, 67, 68-72, 102-103, 218, 223, 231, 233, 234. Hill, Isaac, 111, 116, 221; Senate rejects nomination of, 129; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130; quoted, 164-165, 181. Holmes, John, of Maine, 148. Horseshoe Bend, battle with Creeks at, 35. Houston, Sam, 35. Hunterís Hill, Jacksonís plantation near Nashville, 15, 19. Huntsville (Ala.), Jackson brings forces together at, 33. I Indian Queen Tavern (the Wigwam), 115, 120. Indian Territory created (1834), 214. Indians, 142; hostility near Nashville, 12; Creek War, 32-38; Seminole War, 54-58; removal of, 201-216, 236; see also names of tribes. Ingham, S. D., Secretary of Treasury, 117. Internal improvements, 138; Jackson on, 79; issue in 1824, 84; Adams and, 99, 100, 105; South opposes, 140; South Carolina and, 159; Maysville Road veto, 218. J Jackson, Andrew, father of the President, 1-3. Jackson, Andrew, birth (1767), 3-4; birthplace, 4-5; early life, 5 et seq.; personal characteristics, 6, 7, 11, 15, 18, 19, 20-21, 213, 217, 234-235; education, 7, 10; in the Revolution, 8-9; attitude toward British, 9; business enterprises, 9-10, 19-20; in Charleston, 9-10; admitted to bar, 11; goes to Tennessee, 13-14; as ìsolicitorî in Nashville, 14-16; marriage, 15; represents Tennessee in Congress, 16-17; in Senate, 17-18, 69; as judge in Tennessee, 18-19; quarrels, 20-21; in War of 1812, 26 et seq.; nicknamed ìOld Hickory,î 30; in Creek War, 33-38; at New Orleans, 40-43, 45-50; popularity, 45, 50, 63-64, 115, 210, 229-230; in Seminole War, and Florida expedition, 55-61; controversy about Florida expedition, 61-64; as Governor of Florida, 64-67; life at the Hermitage, 68-72, 102-103; candidate for presidency (1824), 73 et seq., 95; and tariff, 79, 143, 162-163, 169, 235-236; and Adams, 80, 93-94, 108, 122, 220; and Crawford, 80; and Clay, 80; and Calhoun, 80, 134-135; candidate for presidency (1828), 100 et seq.; resigns from Senate, 102; as a politician, 107-108; election, 109-110; journey to Washington, 114-115; as President-elect, 115-119; Cabinet, 117-118, 129-130, 135-136, 193-194, 218; inauguration, 119-124; and Spoils System, 124-127, 236; and Congress, 128; Kitchen Cabinet, 130-131; Eaton controversy, 132-134; toast to the Union, 164-166; and nullification, 167, 173-177; candidate for reÎlection (1832), 168, 218; proclamation to South Carolina (1832), 175-176; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; and United States Bank, 182, 184 et seq., 218; censured by Senate, 196-198, 228; and Indian policy, 208-209, 214-216; and Georgia, 213; journeys to New England, 219; Harvard confers degree on, 220; life at White House, 221-223; his finances, 223-224; political influence, 224-228; farewell address, 228-229; return to Nashville, 230; last years, 231-234; death (1845), 234; Websterís characterization of, 234-235; achievements, 235-236; bibliography, 237-238. Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, mother of the President, 3-4, 5, 8-9. Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, wife of the President, 48-50, 65, 71, 122; quoted, 65-66, 68-69; death, 111-112. Jackson, Fort, 36; Treaty of, 54. Jamaica, British from, 40. Jefferson, Thomas, Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17; on Jackson, 18; candidate of the masses, 113; and State rights, 139, 141-142, 164. Jonesboro (Tenn.), Jacksonís traveling party at, 13. K Kemble, Fanny, and Jackson, 217. Kendall, Amos, 221; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130. Kentucky made a State (1791), 16. Key, F. S., at Jacksonís inauguration, 121. King, W. R., of Alabama, 149. Kitchen Cabinet, 130-131. Knoxville (Tenn.), 25; convention at, 16. Kremer, George, and ìcorrupt bargain,î 89-91. L La Fayette, Marquis de, 219; and Jackson, 71-72. Lavasseur, secretary to La Fayette, 70. Lewis, Major W. B., 63, 125, 129, 134-135; campaign manager for Jackson, 74, 75, 85, 103, 111, 112, 163; accompanies Jackson to Washington, 114, 116, 221; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130. Livingston, Edward, 48; Jackson makes acquaintance of, 17; declines place in cabinet, 117; Secretary of State, 136; and proclamation to South Carolina, 175; and United States Bank, 188; minister to France, 193. Lodge, H. C., quoted, 146. Louisville greets Jackson, 115. M Macay, Spruce, lawyer with whom Jackson studied, 10, 12. MíCulloch vs. Maryland (1819), 141, 183. MacDonald, William, Jacksonian Democracy, quoted, 152. McDuffie, George, 162, 189. McKemy family at whose home Jackson is said to have been born, 4. McLane, Louis, Secretary of Treasury, 136; and United States Bank, 188, 193. McLean, John, Postmaster-General, 118; candidate for presidency, 226. McNairy, John, 12-13, 14, 21. Mangum, W. P., of North Carolina, 227. Marshall, John, Chief-Justice, at Jacksonís inauguration, 120, 121; and State rights, 138, 141; on Cherokee nation, 211; and Jackson, 213. Martinsville (N. C.), Jackson practices law at, 11. Mason, Jeremiah, branch bank president, 185. Maysville Road veto, 218. Mims, Fort (Ala.), massacre at, 31, 32, 36. Mississippi and Indians, 214. Mississippi Valley, British plan assault on, 38. Missouri Compromise, 159. Mobile, Jackson and, 29, 37, 39, 57; Congress authorizes taking of, 30. Monroe, Fortress, 173. Monroe, James, Secretary of War, 40; Jackson writes to, 43; and Jacksonís Florida expedition, 56, 61, 62, 67; Jackson supports, 80; Adams confers with, 94; popular approval of, 95; and Indian question, 206. Monticello, home of Jefferson, 18. Morganton (N. C.), 25; Jackson joins traveling party at, 13. N Nashville (Tenn.), founded, 12; Jackson goes to, 13-14; in 1789, 14; Phillips reaches, 25; Jacksonís army assembles at, 28; entertains Jackson, 37, 101; Jackson in, 51, 230. Natchez (Miss.), Jacksonís troops in, 29, 30. National Intelligencer, 62, 89. National Republican party, 104, 108; defends United States Bank, 191, 195; joins Whigs, 225. Negro Fort, Nichollsís, 53, 54, 57. New England receives President Jackson, 219-220. New Orleans, news of War of 1812 reaches, 25; Jackson and, 28, 37, 39, 40-43, 45-50; gunboats sent from, 57. New Orleans Territory, Jackson denied governorship of, 20. New York (State) controls vice presidency, 75-76. New York City, fÍtes Jackson, 63, 219; and nullification, 176. Nicholls, Colonel Edward, 32, 52-53. Nolte describes Jackson and his wife, 49-50. North Carolina, claims to be Jackson's birthplace, 4; and tariff, 169. Nullification, 161-180, 236; and Jefferson, 142; Georgia and, 142, 213; South Carolina Exposition, 142; Hayne on, 150; Webster on, 151, 152-153; Calhoun and, 161, 162, 164-165, 166, 167-168, 171, 172; Turnbullís Crisis, 161; Calhounís Exposition, 161; Jackson and, 167, 173-177, 219; South Carolinaís ordinance of, 170-171, 179-180; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; Compromise Tariff, 178-179; bibliography, 239. O Ohio on State rights, 141. OíNeil, ìPeggy,î see Eaton, Mrs. J. H. OíNeilís Tavern, 87-88. Onis, Luis de, Spanish Minister, 61, 64. Oregon, Jackson desires extension in, 233. Osborn vs. United States Bank (1824), 183. P Pakenham, General Sir Edward, 40, 42. Panama Congress (1826), 105. Parton, James, biographer of Jackson, 238; cited, 4, 18-19, 29, 72, 175. Peale, picture of Jackson by, 64. Pennsylvania, 193-194; grants Bank charter, 198. Pensacola, Jackson and, 29, 39, 40, 58; Nicholls at, 32; Spanish in, 52; toast to, 60. Philadelphia, national capital, 17; fÍtes Jackson, 63, 219. Phillips, William, ìBilly,î courier, 23, 24-25, 26. Pickens, Andrew, at Waxhaw settlement, 5. Pittsburgh greets Jackson, 115. Poinsett, J. R., of South Carolina, 174. Political parties, no party lines in 1822, 73; see also Democratic, National Republican, Republican, Whig. Polk, J. K., 230, 233. Public lands, Adams and, 99; Footeís resolution (1829), 144-145, 155; sale of, 169, 199. R Randolph, John, 17, 93, 96. ìRed Sticks,î name for Creek braves, 36, 54. Reid, John, biographer of Jackson, 7. Republican party, and Constitution, 99; supports Jackson, 103. Rhea, John, 56, 74. ìRhea letter,î 56. Richmond Enquirer, 141. Roane, Judge, of Virginia, 141. Robertson, James, helps found Nashville, 12. Rush, Richard, cited, 61. S St. Augustine, Jackson and, 29; Spaniards in, 52. St. Marks, Spaniards in, 52; Jackson and, 57, 58. Salisbury (N. C.), 25; Jackson studies law at, 10-11. Scott, General Winfield, 173, 215. Scott, Fort, 55, 57. Seminole Indians, 52. Seminole War, 54-58. Sevier, John, Governor of Tennessee, 20. Seymour, Horatio, of Vermont, 148. Slavery, South resists federal legislation on, 140. South, The, on State rights, 139-140, 143; and United States Bank, 140; and tariff, 160-161; see also names of States. South Carolina, claims to be birthplace of Jackson, 4; and tariff, 142, 145, 159, 166; see also Nullification. South Carolina Exposition, 142. ìSouthwest Territory,î 16. Spain, and Florida, 52, 53, 55-56; treaty with, 64; see also Florida. Spoils System, Jackson and, 124-127, 236. State rights, 139-140; Hayne on, 150, 154; Webster on, 152; see also Nullification. Story, Judge Joseph, quoted, 123. Strother, Fort, 34, 35. Supreme Court, on State rights, 138-139; on United States Bank, 183; on Indian rights, 210-212; Georgia defies, 212-213. Suwanee (Fla.), Jackson at, 58. Swann, Thomas, Jackson and, 21. T Tammany entertains Jackson, 63. Taney, R. B., Attorney-General, 136; writes for Jackson, 190, 228; Secretary of Treasury, 194, 196. Tariff, 84, 158 et seq.; Jackson and, 79, 143, 162-163, 169, 235-236; Adams and, 99; Calhoun votes for protection, 139; South opposes protective, 140, 142, 143, 159-160; woolens bill (1827), 160; Act of 1824, 160, 161; Act of 1828, 160, 169, 170; Act of 1832, 169, 170; Force Bill, 177, 179, 180; Verplanck Bill, 178; Compromise Tariff, 179; bibliography, 239; see also Nullification. Tecumseh works among Southern Indians, 25-26. Tennessee, admitted as State (1796), 16; meaning of name, 16; Legislature favors Jacksonís nomination, 102; Indians, 202. Texas, Jackson favors annexation, 235. Tippecanoe, Battle of, 25. Tohopeka, battle at, 35. Troup, G. M., Governor of Georgia, 206. Turnbull, R. J., The Crisis, 161. Turner, F. J., The Rise of the New West; quoted, 159-160. Twelve-mile Creek, Jacksonís father settles on, 2. Tyler, John, President, 148; Bank vetoes, 200. U Union County (N. C.), Jacksonís father settles in, 3. United States Telegraph, of Washington, Jackson organ, 102, 118, 130. V Van Buren, Martin, 63, 115, 219, 221, 232, 233; supports Jackson, 103-104; Governor of New York, 116-117; Secretary of State, 117, 118; in Kitchen Cabinet, 130; aims at presidency, 132-134, 135; in Eaton controversy, 133-134; appointment as minister to Great Britain not ratified, 136; advises Jackson, 166; candidate for vice presidency, 168, 224; sets up independent treasury system, 200; candidate for presidency, 224-225; election, 226-227; inauguration, 230; biography, 238. Verplanck, J. C., of New York, tariff bill, 178. Virginia, controls presidency, 75-76; and State rights, 141-142; and tariff, 169. W War of 1812, 24 et seq., 52, 99, 137-138. Washington, George, 14, 219. Washington, captured, 38; Jackson journeys to, 50-51, 85, 114-115. Waxhaw settlement, Jackson family at, 2; notable people from, 5; in the Revolution, 8. Weathersford, Creek half-breed, 36. Webster, Daniel, 18, 93, 189, 196; quoted, 115-116, 127; constitutional debate (1830), 145-157; life and characteristics, 147-148; Jacksonís estimate of, 225-226; on Jackson, 234-235; bibliography, 238. Webster, Ezekiel, 113. West, The, and War of 1812, 25; and Indian policy, 201 et seq. ìWestern Districtî tries to set up State, 12. Whig party, 225; tries to resurrect United States Bank, 200. White, H. L., of Tennessee, 116, 149; candidate for presidency, 224, 226, 227. Wilkinson, General James, 29, 31, 37. Wirt, William, 210. Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Navy, 136, 148, 219. Worcester vs. State of Georgia, 211-212.

The Chronicles of America Series

1. The Red Man's Continent by Ellsworth Huntington 2. The Spanish Conquerors by Irving Berdine Richman 3. Elizabethan Sea-Dogs by William Charles Henry Wood 4. The Crusaders of New France by William Bennett Munro 5. Pioneers of the Old South by Mary Johnson 6. The Fathers of New England by Charles McLean Andrews 7. Dutch and English on the Hudson by Maud Wilder Goodwin 8. The Quaker Colonies by Sydney George Fisher 9. Colonial Folkways by Charles McLean Andrews 10. The Conquest of New France by George McKinnon Wrong 11. The Eve of the Revolution by Carl Lotus Becker 12. Washington and His Comrades in Arms by George McKinnon Wrong 13. The Fathers of the Constitution by Max Farrand 14. Washington and His Colleagues by Henry Jones Ford 15. Jefferson and his Colleagues by Allen Johnson 16. John Marshall and the Constitution by Edward Samuel Corwin 17. The Fight for a Free Sea by Ralph Delahaye Paine 18. Pioneers of the Old Southwest by Constance Lindsay Skinner 19. The Old Northwest by Frederic Austin Ogg 20. The Reign of Andrew Jackson by Frederic Austin Ogg 21. The Paths of Inland Commerce by Archer Butler Hulbert 22. Adventurers of Oregon by Constance Lindsay Skinner 23. The Spanish Borderlands by Herbert E. Bolton 24. Texas and the Mexican War by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 25. The Forty-Niners by Stewart Edward White 26. The Passing of the Frontier by Emerson Hough 27. The Cotton Kingdom by William E. Dodd 28. The Anti-Slavery Crusade by Jesse Macy 29. Abraham Lincoln and the Union by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 30. The Day of the Confederacy by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 31. Captains of the Civil War by William Charles Henry Wood 32. The Sequel of Appomattox by Walter Lynwood Fleming 33. The American Spirit in Education by Edwin E. Slosson 34. The American Spirit in Literature by Bliss Perry 35. Our Foreigners by Samuel Peter Orth 36. The Old Merchant Marine by Ralph Delahaye Paine 37. The Age of Invention by Holland Thompson 38. The Railroad Builders by John Moody 39. The Age of Big Business by Burton Jesse Hendrick 40. The Armies of Labor by Samuel Peter Orth 41. The Masters of Capital by John Moody 42. The New South by Holland Thompson 43. The Boss and the Machine by Samuel Peter Orth 44. The Cleveland Era by Henry Jones Ford 45. The Agrarian Crusade by Solon Justus Buck 46. The Path of Empire by Carl Russell Fish 47. Theodore Roosevelt and His Times by Harold Howland 48. Woodrow Wilson and the World War by Charles Seymour 49. The Canadian Dominion by Oscar D. Skelton 50. The Hispanic Nations of the New World by William R. Shepherd