Part 4

But if a grievance does exist, or dissatisfaction on the part of the employee continues, the matter is carried to the local boss, foreman, or superintendent, with whom in the majority of cases it is amicably and satisfactorily settled. Further appeal is open to the aggrieved employee, either in person or through his representative, to the higher officers and to the president.

If satisfaction is not to be had from the company, the court of last appeal may be the Industrial Commission of the State, the State Labor Board, or a committee of arbitration.

Experience shows that the vast majority of difficulties which occur in an industry arise between the workmen and the foremen who are in daily contact with them. Foremen are sometimes arbitrary, and it is by their attitude and action that the higher officers and the stockholders are judged. Obviously the right of appeal from the decisions of foremen and superintendents is important, even if seldom availed of, because it tends of itself to modify their attitude.

A further feature of the plan is what may be termed the employee’s Bill of Rights.

This covers such matters as the right to caution and suspension before discharge, except for such serious offenses as are posted; the right to hold meetings at appropriate places outside of working hours; the right without discrimination to membership or non-membership in any society, fraternity, or union; and the right of appeal.

Where this plan has been in operation for a considerable length of time, some of the results obtained are:--

First, more continuous operation of the plants and less interruption in the employment of the workers, resulting in larger returns for both capital and labor;

Second, improved working and living conditions;

Third, frequent and close contact between employees and officers;

Fourth, the elimination of grievances as disturbing factors;

Fifth, goodwill developed to a high degree;

Sixth, the creation of a community spirit.

Furthermore, the plan has proved an effective means of enlisting the interest of all parties to industry, of reproducing the contacts of earlier days between employer and employee, of lessening misunderstanding, distrust, and enmity, and securing coöperation in the spirit of brotherhood. Under its operation, the participants in industry are being convinced of the soundness of the proposition that they are fundamentally friends and not enemies, that their interests are common, not opposed. Based as the plan is upon principles of justice to all, its success can be counted on so long as it is carried out in a spirit of sincerity and fair play.

Here, then, would seem to be a method of providing representation which is just, which is effective, which is applicable to all employees whether organized or unorganized, to all employers whether in associations or not, which does not interfere with existing organizations or associations, and which, while developed in a single industrial corporation as a unit, may be expanded to include all corporations in the same industry and ultimately all industries.

Just what part labor organizations and employers’ associations can best take in such a plan remains to be worked out, but certain it is that some method should be devised which will profit to the fullest extent by the experience, the strength, and the leadership of these groups. While, doubtless, defects will appear in this plan and other methods more successfully accomplishing the same end may be developed, at least it is proving that in unity there is strength and that coöperation in industry is not only idealistically right, but practically workable.

If the points which I have endeavored to make are sound, might not the four parties to industry subscribe to an Industrial Creed somewhat as follows:--

(1) I believe that labor and capital are partners, not enemies; and that their interests are common, not opposed; and that neither can attain the fullest measure of prosperity at the expense of the other, but only in association with the other.

(2) I believe that the community is an essential party to industry and that it should have adequate representation with the other parties.

(3) I believe that the purpose of industry is quite as much to advance social well-being as material prosperity; that in the pursuit of that purpose, the interests of the community should be carefully considered, the well-being of employees fully guarded, management adequately recognized, and capital justly compensated, and that failure in any of these particulars means loss to all four parties.

(4) I believe that every man is entitled to an opportunity to earn a living, to fair wages, to reasonable hours of work and proper working conditions, to a decent home, to the opportunity to play, to learn, to worship and to love, as well as to toil, and that the responsibility rests as heavily upon industry as upon government or society, to see that these conditions and opportunities prevail.

(5) I believe that diligence, initiative, and efficiency, wherever found, should be encouraged and adequately rewarded; that indolence, indifference, and restriction of production should be discountenanced; and that service is the only justification for the possession of power.

(6) I believe that the provision of adequate means of uncovering grievances and promptly adjusting them is of fundamental importance to the successful conduct of industry.

(7) I believe that the most potent measure in bringing about industrial harmony and prosperity is adequate representation of the parties in interest; that existing forms of representation should be carefully studied and availed of, in so far as they may be found to have merit and are adaptable to conditions peculiar to the various industries.

(8) I believe that the most effective structure of representation is that which is built from the bottom up, which includes all employees, which starts with the election of representatives and the formation of joint committees in each industrial plant, proceeds to the formation of joint district councils and annual joint conferences in a single industrial corporation, and admits of extension to all corporations in the same industry, as well as to all industries in a community, in a nation, and in the various nations.

(9) I believe that to “do unto others as you would that they should do unto you” is as sound business as it is good religion; that the application of right principles never fails to effect right relations; that “the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life”; that forms are wholly secondary, while attitude and spirit are all important; and that only as the parties in industry are animated by the spirit of fair play, justice to all, and brotherhood, will any plan which they may mutually work out succeed.

(10) I believe that that man renders the greatest social service who so coöperates in the organization of industry as to afford to the largest number of men the greatest opportunity for self-development and the enjoyment of those benefits which their united efforts add to the wealth of civilization.

In these days the selfish pursuit of personal ends at the expense of the group can and will no longer be tolerated. The reign of autocracy has passed. Men are rapidly coming to see that human life is of infinitely greater value than material wealth; that the health, happiness, and well-being of the individual, however humble, is not to be sacrificed to the selfish aggrandizement of the more fortunate or more powerful. Modern thought is placing less emphasis on material considerations. It is recognizing that the basis of national progress, whether industrial or social, is the health, efficiency, and spiritual development of the people. Never was there a more profound belief in human life than to-day. Whether men work with brain or brawn, they are human beings, and are much alike in their cravings, their aspirations, their hatreds, and their capacity for suffering and for enjoyment.

What is the attitude of the leaders in industry as they face this critical period of reconstruction? Is it that of the standpatters, who ignore the extraordinary changes which have come over the face of the civilized world and have taken place in the minds of men; who, arming themselves to the teeth, attempt stubbornly to resist the inevitable and invite open warfare with the other parties in industry, and who say: