The History of England From the Norman Conquest to the Death of John (1066-1216) is a public-domain classic of history by George Burton Adams.
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26 Sept., 1087. Coronation of William II. Apr.-June, 1088. The barons rebel. Nov. The trial of William of St. Calais 1095. The revolt of Robert of Mowbray 28 May, 1089. The death of Lanfranc Ranulf Flambard Troubles in Normandy April, 1090. The court resolves on war Feb., 1091. William invades Normandy Malcolm attacks England 1092. William occupies Carlisle Nov., 1093. Death of Malcolm and Margaret
Lent, 1093. Illness of William II March. Anselm named archbishop Conditions on which he accepted Jan., 1094. His first quarrel with the king 19 March. William crosses to Normandy 1095. Second quarrel with Anselm March. The case tried at Rockingham 1096. Robert mortgages Normandy 1097. Renewed quarrel with Anselm Nov. Anselm leaves England 1098. Wars on the continent 2 Aug., 1100. William II killed
2 Aug., 1100. Henry claims the crown 5 Aug. His coronation His character Aug. His coronation charter 23 Sept. Return of Anselm 11 Nov. Henry's marriage Beginning of investiture strife Merits of the case July, 1101. Robert invades England He yields to Henry 1102. Robert of Bellême punished 1101-2. Fruitless embassies to Rome 27 April, 1103. Anselm again leaves England
1104. Henry visits Normandy 1103-5. Dealings with Anselm 21 July, 1105. Meeting with Anselm and Adela Aug., 1106. The compromise and reconciliation
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
A.D. 28 Sept., 1106. The battle of Tinchebrai Terms of investiture compromise 21 April, 1109. Anselm's last years, and death 1109-11. Reform of local courts 1109-14. Marriage of Matilda and Henry V 1109-13. War with Louis VI of France Growing power of the Church
March, 1116. William recognized as heir Renewed war with France 1120. An advantageous peace 25 Sept., 1120. Henry's son William drowned Robert made Earl of Gloucester 1123. Revolt of Norman barons Jan., 1127. Matilda made Henry's heir She marries Geoffrey of Anjou 1129. A period of peace 1130. The Pipe Roll of 1130 The Exchequer Henry's charter to London 1 Dec, 1135. His death
Dec., 1135. Stephen of Boulogne secures London Obtains support of the Church His coronation Normandy accepts Stephen 1136. Charter to the Church Matilda appeals to Rome The first revolt The impression created by Stephen 1137. Stephen in Normandy
1138. The beginning of civil war The revolt around Bristol 22 Aug. The battle of the Standard June, 1139. The arrest of the bishops Matilda in England 1140. Stephen's purchase of support 2 Feb., 1141. The battle of Lincoln
March, 1141. Matilda received in Winchester 24 June, 1141. She is driven from London Stephen released 1142-4. Geoffrey conquers Normandy 1144. The fall of Geoffrey de Mandeville 1149. Henry of Anjou in England 1152. He marries Eleanor of Aquitaine 1153. Henry again in England Nov. He makes peace with Stephen
The character of Henry II 19 Dec., 1154. His coronation 1155. The pope's grant of Ireland Jan., 1156. Henry in Normandy 1158. Treaty with Louis VII June, 1159. Attack on Toulouse New forms of taxation 1162. Thomas Becket made primate
1162. The position of Becket July, 1163. First disagreement with Henry The question of criminous clerks 1164. The constitutions of Clarendon Oct. The trial of Becket Becket flees from England 1165-70. War between king and primate 14 June, 1170. Young Henry crowned July. Henry and Becket reconciled 29 Dec. Murder of Becket
Oct., 1171. Henry II in Ireland May, 1172. Reconciled with the Church Henry and his sons Discontent of young Henry 1173. Plans of Henry II in the southeast Young Henry and the barons rebel 12 July, 1174. Henry II's penance at Canterbury 12 July. The king of Scotland captured 6 Aug. Henry returns to Normandy 30 Sept. Peace concluded
1175. Government during peace The homage of Scotland Judicial reforms Itinerant justices and jury The common law 1176. Young Henry again discontented Affairs in Ireland 1177. Dealings with France 1180. Philip II king of France 1183. War between Henry's sons 11 June. Death of young Henry
1183. Negotiations with France 1184-5. The question of a crusade 1185. John in Ireland 1186. Philip II and Henry's sons 1187. War with Philip II Renewed call for a crusade 1188. The Saladin tithe A new war with Philip Nov. Richard abandons his father 4 July, 1189. Peace forced on Henry 6 July. Death of Henry II
1189. Richard's first acts Methods of raising money Arrangements for Richard's absence Conduct of William Longchamp June, 1190. Richard goes on the crusade 1191. Events of the third crusade Strife of John and Longchamp Oct. Longchamp deposed Philip II intrigues with John
Dec., 1192. Richard imprisoned in Germany 1193. Negotiations for his release 16 March, 1194. He reaches London War with Philip II Hubert Walter justiciar 15 Jan., 1196. Treaty with France Renewed war 7 Dec., 1197. Bishop Hugh refuses Richard's demand 1198. Financial difficulties 6 April, 1199. The death of Richard The growth of English towns
April, 1199. John succeeds in Normandy 27 May. Crowned in Westminster Philip II takes Arthur's side 1200. John's second marriage 1202. Trial and sentence of John 1 Aug. John captures Arthur 1203. Siege of Château-Gaillard 24 June, 1204. Capture of Rouen 1205. French conquest checked in Poitou
1205. Question of the Canterbury election 17 June, 1207. The pope consecrates Langton Taxation of the clergy 24 March, 1208. The interdict proclaimed Power of the king Nov., 1209. John excommunicated 1210. Expedition to Ireland 1212. Alliance against France Philip II plans to invade England May, 1213. John yields to the pope
20 July, 1213. The king absolved Henry I's charter produced Feb., 1214. John invades Poitou 27 July. Battle of Bouvines The barons resist the king The charter demanded 15 June, 1215. Magna Carta granted Civil strife renewed The crown offered to Louis of France 21 May, 1216. Louis lands in England 19 Oct., 1216. The death of John
APPENDIX
On authorities
INDEX
MAPS (AT THE END OF THE VOLUME)
1. England and the French Possessions of William I. (1087) 2. England and France, July, 1185
THE CONQUEST
The battle of the 14th of October, 1066, was decisive of the struggle for the throne of England, but William of Normandy was in no haste to gather in the results of the victory which he had won. The judgment of heaven had been pronounced in the case between him and Harold, and there was no mistaking the verdict. The Saxon army was routed and flying. It could hardly rally short of London, but there was no real pursuit. The Normans spent the night on the battlefield, and William's own tent was pitched on the hill which the enemy had held, and in the midst of the Saxon wounded, a position of some danger, against which his friend and adviser, Walter Giffard, remonstrated in vain. On the next day he fell back with his army to Hastings. Here he remained five days waiting, the Saxon Chronicle tells us, for the nation to make known its submission; waiting, it is more likely, for reinforcements which were coming from Normandy. So keen a mind as William's probably did not misjudge the situation. With the only real army against him broken to pieces, with the only leaders around whom a new army could rally dead, he could afford to wait. He may not have understood the rallying power of the Saxon soldiery, but he probably knew very well the character of the public men of England, who were left alive to head and direct a new resistance. The only candidate for the throne upon whom all parties could unite was a boy of no pronounced character and no experience. The leaders of the nobility who should have stood forth in such a crisis as the natural leaders of the nation were men who had shown in the clearest way their readiness to sacrifice England to their personal ambitions or grievances. At the head of the Church were men of but little higher character and no greater capacity for leadership, undisguised pluralists who could not avoid the charge of disregarding in their own selfish interests the laws they were bound to administer. London, where the greater part of the fugitives had gathered, could hardly have settled upon the next step to be taken when William began his advance, five days after the battle. His first objective point was the great fortress of Dover, which dominated that important landing-place upon the coast. On the way he stopped to give an example of what those might expect who made themselves his enemies, by punishing the town of Romney, which had ventured to beat off with some vigour a body of Normans, probably one that had tried to land there by mistake.
Dover had been a strong fortress for centuries, perched on its cliffs as high as an arrow can be shot, says one who may have been present at these events, and it had been recently strengthened with new work. William doubtless expected a difficult task, and he was correspondingly pleased to find the garrison ready to surrender without a blow, an omen even more promising than the victory he had gained over Harold. If William had given at Romney an example of what would follow stubborn resistance, he gave at Dover an example of how he proposed to deal with those who would submit, not merely in his treatment of the surrendered garrison of the castle, but in his payment of the losses of the citizens; for his army, disappointed of the plunder which would have followed the taking of the place by force, had burned the town or part of it. At Dover William remained a week, and here his army was attacked by a foe often more deadly to the armies of the Middle Ages than the enemies they had come out to fight. Too much fresh meat and unaccustomed water led to an outbreak of dysentery which carried off many and weakened others, who had to be left behind when William set out again. But these losses were balanced by reinforcements from Normandy, which joined him here or soon afterwards. His next advance was towards Canterbury, but it had hardly begun when delegations came up to meet him, bringing the submission of that city and of other places in Kent. Soon after leaving Dover the duke himself fell ill, very possibly with the prevailing disease, but if we may judge by what seems to be our best evidence, he did not allow this to interrupt his advance, but pushed on towards London with only a brief stop at any point. Nor is there any certain evidence to be had of extensive harrying of the country on this march. His army was obliged to live on what it could take from the inhabitants, and this foraging was unquestionably accompanied with much unnecessary plundering; but there is no convincing evidence of any systematic laying waste of large districts to bring about a submission which everything would show to be coming of itself, and it was not like William to ravage without need. He certainly hesitated at no cruelty of the sort at times, but we can clearly enough see reasons of policy in most at least of the cases, which may have made the action seem to him necessary. Nearly all are instances either of defensive action or of vengeance, but that he should systematically ravage the country when events were carrying out his plan as rapidly as could be expected, we have no reason to consider in accordance with William's policy or temper. In the meantime, as the invading army was slowly drawing near to London, opinion there had settled, for the time at least, upon a line of policy. Surviving leaders who had been defeated in the great battle, men high in rank who had been absent, some purposely standing aloof while the issue was decided, had gathered in the city. Edwin and Morcar, the great earls of north and middle England, heads of the house that was the rival of Harold's, who seem to have been willing to see him and his power destroyed, had now come in, having learned the result of the battle. The two archbishops were there, and certain of the bishops, though which they were we cannot surely tell. Other names we do not know, unless it be that of Esegar, Harold's staller and portreeve of London, the hero of a doubtful story of negotiations with the approaching enemy. But other nobles and men of influence in the state were certainly there, though their names are not recorded. Nor was a military force lacking, even if the "army" of Edwin and Morcar was under independent and not trustworthy command. It is clear that the tone of public opinion was for further resistance, and the citizens were not afraid to go out to attack the Conqueror on his first approach to their neighbourhood. But from all our sources of information the fatal fact stands out plainly, of divided counsels and lack of leadership. William of Malmesbury believed, nearly two generations later, and we must agree with him, that if the English could have put aside "the discord of civil strife," and have "united in a common policy, they could have amended the ruin of the fatherland." But there was too much self-seeking and a lack of patriotism. Edwin and Morcar went about trying to persuade people that one or the other of them should be made king. Some of the bishops appear to have opposed the choice of any king. No dominating personality arose to compel agreement and to give direction and power to the popular impulse. England was conquered, not by the superior force and genius of the Norman, but by the failure of her own men in a great crisis of her history.
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