Appendix C. Being Taken From the Original Black-Letter Copy in the

Author’s possession.

We now refer to the Company’s chief treasure, the Holbein picture, and are at once met with a difficulty; does it represent the granting of a Charter to the Company? if so, the year was 1512; or does it illustrate the union of the Barbers and Surgeons by Act of Parliament? if so, the year was 1540.

The picture exhibits a Charter with the Great Seal pendant, and has always been popularly known and described as the “granting of the Charter to the Barber-Surgeons.” On the other hand, however, the King was but 21 years of age in 1512 and 49 years in 1540, which latter age accords with the picture; moreover, Vicary, Ayleff, Harman, and the others represented, were members of the Court in the latter year, but not in 1512. These considerations are sufficient to demolish the “Charter” theory, and point to the hypothesis that it is the Union of the Barbers’ Company with the Guild of Surgeons, accomplished by Act of Parliament in 1540, which is commemorated, but then we must admit a licence on the part of Holbein (which deceived no one at the time), when he indulged his artist’s fancy by putting into the King’s hand a Charter with seal pendant, instead of an Act of Parliament, which latter would not indeed have been the King’s function to hand to the Company, and would probably, if represented, have been depicted as a mere roll, and not therefore so artistic or effective as a Charter with a Seal in the King’s hand.

The Act received the Royal Assent 25th July, 1540; this would be towards the close of the year of John Pen’s mastership. Vicary, who is receiving the Instrument, was Master from September, 1541, to September, 1542; there is every probability that the painting was executed during his year of office, and that is why Holbein paid him the compliment of putting him in the chief position in the painting, which after all was intended, not as a strictly historical, but rather as a commemorative picture.

The picture is 10 feet 2 inches long by 5 feet 11 inches high, painted on oak panel and contains nineteen figures; it represents a room in the palace (said to have been Bridewell), which is hung with beautiful tapestry and appears to have been gilded; the King is seated on a throne, his age apparently about fifty, the complexion florid, the hair sandy, the eyes small but animated and restless; the expression on the countenance is impatience, and he seems thrusting the document hastily into the hand of Thomas Vicary, who receives it kneeling, on his left; the face altogether might be pronounced handsome, were it not for the low forehead and contracted eyebrows; he has on his left thumb a signet ring, and other rings on the first and fourth fingers of his right hand with which he holds a sword of state resting on his knee; on his head is a jewelled crown; on his left leg the garter, and round his neck the collar of the Order; the mantle is short and of crimson velvet; all these ornaments are most beautifully executed and are as fine as miniature painting; every hair of his head is distinct, and the texture of his robe is finely given; his impatience seems to have warmed him, and the rising colour flushing over his face is most admirably painted. On the King’s right are three grave and closely shaved personages on their knees. The first is Dr. John Chambre, one of the Royal Physicians, he is represented in a skull cap and furred gown, the sleeves very large and in which his hands are enwrapped; from the expression of his countenance it would seem that he was anything but pleased with the provisions of the Act, as the face has a sullen and discontented look; next to him is the celebrated Dr. William Butts, also one of Henry’s Physicians, and behind him is Thomas Alsop, the Royal Apothecary, his hair is long and lank, and features coarse and hard.

On the King’s left are fifteen members of the Court on their knees, and in livery gowns, evidently specially sumptuous for the occasion, being of brocaded or damask silk, trimmed with fur, and each man wears a livery hood of red and black upon his shoulder. The first of these is Thomas Vicary, Serjeant-Surgeon, who wears a gold chain; next comes Sir John Ayleff, Surgeon to the King, also with a gold chain and a ring on his finger, the next is Nicholas Simpson, King’s Barber, who, like Vicary and Ayleff, wears a skull cap, all the others have their heads bare. Then comes Edmund Harman, King’s Barber, and one of the Witnesses to Henry’s Will, he wears a gold chain; next him is James Monforde, King’s Surgeon, then John Pen, the King’s Barber, and Nicholas Alcocke; the expression on the countenances of all these men is grave and solemn; the next, Richard Ferris, who has a somewhat merrier face, and was also King’s Surgeon, completes the front row. The moustaches and beards of the whole, including the King, would appear as if they had had great care and attention bestowed upon them. Of the remaining seven figures in the back row, the names of but two have been preserved, viz., Christopher Salmond and William Tilley.

This picture of Holbein’s is not surpassed, if indeed it is equalled, by any other of that master, every part is most elaborately and delicately finished; the position of none of the figures is constrained, and there is no attempt at theatrical effect, yet every person represented is in action, the colouring is chaste, and kept down, nor is there any of that hardness and stiffness often observed in Holbein’s pictures. Its reputation has been truly said to be world-wide, whilst it has been eulogistically described by some one to be “as glowing as a Titian, and minutely faithful as a Gerard Dow.”

Part of the above description has been adapted from an anonymous paragraph, which I found interleaved in Allen’s History of London, at the Guildhall Library.

The names of the persons represented have been somewhat rudely affixed to their effigies, probably a few years after the picture was painted, and whilst we cannot but deplore the disfigurement, it is more than compensated for, as the means of identification of so many of our illustrious predecessors. The tablet, with inscription, has been said to be of later date than Holbein’s work, and to have been painted over a window, through which was once seen the old church of St. Bride; this, however, is most improbable, as it is personally dedicatory to Henry. The inscription is as follows:--

HENRICO OCTAVO OPT MAX: REGI ANGLIÆ FRANCIÆ ET HIBERNIÆ FIDEI DEFENSORI AC ANGLICANÆ HIBERNICÆQ ECCLESIÆ PROXIME A CHRISTO SVPREMO CAPITI SOCIETAS CHIRVRGORVM COMMVNIBVS VOTIS HÆC CONSECRAT.

TRISTIOR ANGLORVM PESTIS VIOLAVERAT ORBEM INFESTANS ANIMOS CORPORIBVSQVE SEDENS HANC DEVS INSIGNEM CLADEM MISERATVS AB ALTO TE MEDICI MVNVS JVSSIT OBIRE BONI LVMEN EVANGELII FVLVIS CIRCVMVOLAT ALIS PHARMACON AD FECTIS MENTIBVS ILLVD ERIT CONSILIOQ TVO CELEBRANT MONVMENTA GALENI ET CELERI MORBVS PELLITVR OMNIS OPE NOS IGITVR SVPPLEX MEDICORVM TVRBA TVORVM HANC TIBI SACRAMVS RELIGIONE DOMVM MVNERIS ET MEMORES QVO NOS HENRICE BEASTI IMPERIO OPTAMVS MAXIMA QVE QVE TVO.

TRANSLATION.

To Henry the Eighth, the best and greatest King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and next to Christ, supreme head of the Church of England and Ireland, the Company of Surgeons dedicate these, with their united prayers.

A grievous plague had ravaged the region of England, Afflicting man’s spirits and penetrating his frame; God, pitying from on high this remarkable scourge Commanded thee to perform the office of a good physician.

The light of the gospel flies around on glowing wings, This will be the balm to enfeebled minds: Whilst the disciples of Galen meet to raise a monument to thee, And all disease is swiftly dispelled by thy power.

We, therefore, a suppliant band of thy Physicians, Solemnly dedicate this house to thee, And mindful of the favour with which thou, O Henry, hast blessed us, Invoke the greatest blessings on thy rule.

The following fragmentary notices of the persons represented in the picture, will be found of some interest.

The first figure to the left is Thomas Alsop; he was the King’s Apothecary, and Henry VIII, by his will, left him 100 marks.

Next to him is Dr. William Butts, one of the King’s physicians, ever famous for his memorable interference with the King on behalf of Archbishop Cranmer in 1544, when the Roman Catholic party in the Council endeavoured to procure Cranmer’s committal to the Tower. A full account of this incident will be found in Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer (Oxford Ed., 1812, pp. 177-181), and Shakespeare in his play of Henry VIII (act v., sc. 2) has also graphically described it. Cranmer’s Secretary, aware of Butts’ great influence with the King, sent for the Doctor, and acquainted him with the slight which had been put upon the Archbishop by keeping him standing in the ante-room of the Council Chamber among lacqueys and servingmen, upon which Butts immediately repaired to the King, and said:--

“I’ll show your Grace the strangest sight, The high promotion of his Grace of Canterbury: Who holds his State at door, ’mongst pursuivants, Pages and foot boys.”

whereupon Henry replies,--

“Ha! ’tis he indeed! Is this the honour they do one another? ’Tis well there’s one above them. Yet, I had thought They had parted so much honesty among ‘em (At least good manners) as not thus to suffer A man of his place and so near our favour, To dance attendance on their lordships’ pleasures, And at the door too, like a post with packets, By Holy Mary! Butts, there’s knavery. Let them alone, and drawn the curtain close: We shall hear more anon.”

Henry spoke his mind so freely to the Council, that they one and all shook hands with the Archbishop, and, as Strype says, “Never more durst any man spurn him during King Henry’s life.”

Dr. Butts must have had the best practice of any man of his time; there are several references to him among the State papers at the Record Office, of which the following are a few examples, and indicate that his patients were the aristocracy of the day.

25th May, 1524. Among the funeral expenses of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., is this item:--“To John Hewson, riding to Cambridge, to fetch Dr. Buttes when my master was sick, 4s. 8d.”

28th April, 1525. The Duke of Norfolk, writing to Cardinal Wolsey, says that last night at 7 o’clock the Lord Marney was “drawyng the draghts of deth, and Mr. Butts determyned he shuld not lyve after 5 owrys” (hours).

14th October, 1525. A warrant was signed by Wolsey, directed to Sir Andrew Windsor, for delivery to Dr. Butts, who had been appointed physician to my lady Princess, of a livery in blue and green, in damask for himself, and in cloth for his two servants.

17th May, 1528. In a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to Wolsey, the Duke says that Mr. Butts had come to him from the King, without whose aid he thought that he should not have recovered from his sickness.

23rd June, 1528. In a letter from Brian Tuke (to Cardinal Wolsey) he speaks of an infection which had been much about of late, and how the King told him that Mistress Ann Boleyn and my lord Rochford both have had it; what jeopardy they have been in, by the turning in of the sweat before the time; of the endeavour of Mr. Buttes who hath been with them in his return; and finally of their perfect recovery.

19th January, 1530. A letter from De Augustinis, written from the palace at Esher, to Cromwell, desires that Dr. Butts or Dr. Walter Cromer may be sent to the Cardinal and requesting that Balthazar the physician, may be spoken to, to obtain some leeches; no time was to be lost and the doctors were to bring with them some vomitive electuary.

Dr. Butts was a personal friend of Henry’s, who, in 1537, granted him the manor and advowson of Thornage, in Norfolk. He died 17th November, 1545, and lies buried in Fulham Church, where there is (or was) a monument to his memory.

Next to Butts, and immediately to the King’s right, is Dr. John Chambre; he was physician to and a great favorite of Henry’s, holding several clerical preferments as well. He was a Fellow and Warden of Merton College, Oxon, where he was admitted Doctor of Physic, 29th October, 1531. In the list of persons to whom Wolsey, in 1526, assigned lodgings at the King’s house, when they should repair thither, occurs the name of Dr. Chambre. There is also a catalogue of the King’s new year’s gifts, in 1528, by which it appears that the Doctor had a piece of plate weighing 24-3/8 ozs., at the same time the Cardinal’s gift was 40-1/4 ozs., and that of the Archbishop 31 ozs.

In Brian Tuke’s letter (23rd June, 1528), before referred to, he tells Wolsey that when he called on the King with his letters, he found him in “secret communication with his physician, Mr. Chambre, in a tower, where he sometimes sups apart.”

Dr. Chambre was Dean of St. Stephen’s Chapel, Westminster, Canon of Windsor, Archdeacon of Bedford, Prebendary of Comb and Harnham in Salisbury Cathedral, Treasurer of Wells Cathedral, and beneficed in Somersetshire and Yorkshire. Truly the lines had fallen unto him in pleasant places!

He was one of the physicians in attendance on Queen Jane, at the birth of Edward VI, and in a letter written by him to the Privy Council, concerning the Queen’s critical state, he signs himself “priest.” He was also in attendance on Anne Boleyn, in her confinement with Elizabeth. His name is mentioned with that of Linacre and three others, in the Charter to the College of Physicians, in 1518.

Sir William Compton, K.G., in 1522, nominated Dr. Chambre one of his executors, in conjunction with the Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Henry Marney, Lord Privy Seal.

Dr. Chambre built a “very curious cloyster,” in St. Stephen’s Chapel, which cost him 11,000 marks, and he gave the canons of that chapel some lands. He died in 1549.

On the King’s left is, first, Thomas Vicary (sometimes Vicars and Vyccary), Master of the Barbers in 1530, and of the Barber-Surgeons in 1541, 1546, 1548 and 1557. He was a man of great eminence in his profession, having been Surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and Serjeant-Surgeon to Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary and Elizabeth. He was the author of “The Profitable Treatise of Anatomy” in “The Englishman’s Treasure, with the true Anatomie of Man’s Body.” An account of Vicary will be found in D’Arcy Power, pp. 102, etc., and several particulars relating to his connection with St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, are recorded in a paper by Dr. Norman Moore (Hospital Reports, vol. xviii, pp. 333-358); see also Dr. Furnivall’s exhaustive account (Early English Text Society).

Next comes Sir John Ayleff (Aylif, Aylyff, etc.). He was Master of the Barbers in 1538, and Surgeon to the King, with whom he was doubtless on terms of friendship, as Henry bequeathed him 100 marks. Ayleff treated Henry for fistula and cured him, at Brinkworth in Wilts, for which the King bestowed upon him a great estate there in gratification. He subsequently became a Merchant of Blackwell Hall, Sheriff of London in 1548, and Alderman of Bridge Without in 1550.

17th July, 1550. In the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen is a Record that the Court of the Barber-Surgeons gave their assent to the Translation of Sir John from theirs to the Grocers’ Company, of which Company he was crowned Upper Warden 9th June, 1556.

Sir John Ayleff was buried 20th October, 1556, in the Church of St. Michael Bassishaw, where there was formerly a marble tomb with this inscription thereon--

In Chirurgery brought up in youth, A Knight here lyeth dead; A Knight and eke a Surgeon such As England seld hath bred. For which so soveraigne Gift of God Wherein he did excell, King Henry VIII call’d him to Court, Who lov’d him dearly well. God gave the Gift, the King gave Goods, The Gift of God t’enhance; Where God and such a Prince do joyne, Such Man hath happy Chance. King Edward for his service sake, Bade him rise up a Knight, A name of Praise and ever since He, Sir John Ailiffe hight, Right Worshipful, in name and charge In London lived he than, In Blackwell Hall the merchant chiefe First Sheriffe, then Alderman. The Hospitals bewaile his death The Orphan children mone, The chiefe Erector being dead And Benefactor gone. Dame Isabel who lived with him, His faithful Wife and Mate, With him (as dearest after death) Doth not her Knight forsake The Knight the 24 of October. Yeelded up his breath, And she soon after followed To live with him in death.

Probably a mistake for 14th.

19 April, 1558. My lady Aylyff gave a fyne table cloth of damaske worcke to sr̃ve for the uppermost table in the hawle the w{ch} of her jentyllness she gave frely unto this hawle.

John Ayleff (son of the Knight) was admitted to the freedom of the Barber-Surgeons, 3rd June, 1552.

Next to Sir John Ayleff, is Nicholas Simpson, concerning whom nothing is known to me, but that he was “King’s Barber,” and Master of the Barbers in 1537.

Edmund Harman, “King’s Barber,” follows next; he was admitted to the freedom in 1530, and served Master in 1540. Henry VIII bequeathed him 200 marks, and he was one of the attesting witnesses to the King’s will. There are several references to him among the State Papers and Household Ordinances. His dignified bearing and expression in the picture are very striking.

James Monforde (or Mumford), “King’s Surgeon,” is next; he was Upper Warden in 1540 and again in 1543, but never served as Master. He gave the Company their silver hammer, still used by the Masters in presiding at Courts.

Then comes John Pen (Penn or Penne), “King’s Barber,” and Groom of the Privy Chamber; he was admitted to the freedom in 1527 and was Master 1539. He married Lucy, daughter and heiress of Edmond Chevall, of Coddicote, Herts, by whom he had a good estate and seven children (vide Harl. Soc. Pub. xxii., 82 & 116).

In Liber Niger Domus Regis (Harl. MS. 642) among the orders made for the regulation of the Household of Henry VIII was one, that none but fifteen persons whose names are specified should be allowed to enter the Privy Chamber, and one of these is John Penne.

The following quaint regulation, concerning the King’s Barber, is to be found in the same MS.--

Item. It is alsoe ordeyned that the Kingꝭ Barbor shalbe daylie by the Kingꝭ upriseinge readdye and attendant in the Kingꝭ Privye Chamber there haveinge in reddynesse his Water Basons Knyvesꝭ Combes scissourꝭ and such other stuffe as to his Roome doth appertaine for trymminge and dressinge of the Kingꝭ heade and bearde. And that the sayd Barbour take a speciall regarde to the pure and cleane keepinge of his owne p’son and apparrell useinge himselfe allwayes honestlye in his conversationne withoute resortinge to the Companye of vile personnes or of misguided woemen in avoydeinge such daunger as by that meanes hee might doe unto the Kingꝭ most Royall person not fayling thus to doe uppon payne of looseinge his Roome and farther punnishement at the Kingꝭ pleasure.

In this MS. is also to be found an earlier order, of the time of Edward IV touching the King’s Barber, which is curious, as indicating that Saturday night was then (as still it is with many) “tub night” with the King; and we may also infer from the expression “if it please the King to cleanse his head, legs or feet,” that it was not a fixed rule for him to do so every Saturday night.

A BARBOUR for the Kingis most highe and drad p’son to be taken in this Court, after that he standeth in degree gentleman yoman or groome. It hath bin much accustomed to one or two well knowne officers of the Ewrie in housold Daily of such as bene for the monthe Sergeant or othir. Also we finde how this hath bene used amonge by a weele betrusted yoman of chambre ffor lacke of cunning of these other men. It is accustomed that a knight of the Chambre or elles squire of the bodie or both be p’sent every time when the Kinge wolle shave. This Barbour shall have every satterday night if it please the Kinge to cleanse his head leggꝭ or feete and for his shaveing two lovis one pitcher wine. And the usher of chambre ought to testifie if this be necessary dispensed or not.

Loaves.

It is said that the portrait of Pen was greatly admired by Sir Robert Peel, who frequently came to the Hall to look at it, and who is reported to have offered the Company £2,000 for the head, if it might be cut from the picture, he undertaking to make good the damage! He is also alleged to have said at one of his visits, that he should like to sleep on the table at the Hall, so that the first thing he would see on waking in the morning might be Pen’s head. Had Sir Robert known the legend of the table he would perhaps have suggested a different bed. Henry VIII left, by his Will, 100 marks to Pen.

Said to have been part of the dissecting table!

Concerning the next man, Nicholas Alcocke, nothing is known beyond that he was Surgeon to Edward VI, and was admitted to the freedom in 1523. He was doubtless a member of the Court, though he never served as Warden.

The last on the front row is Richard Ferris (or Ferrers), Master in 1563 and Serjeant-Surgeon to Elizabeth. Like others of his brethren, he also benefited under Henry’s will, to the extent of 100 marks, and was one of the King’s Surgeons.

In the back row are seven figures, but of these the names of only two survive, viz., William Tylley, Upper Warden 1546, and Christopher Samon (Salmon, Sammond), admitted to the freedom in 1528, and Master in 1553. By Domestic Papers, Henry VIII, vol. 5, p. 690, it appears that one Christopher Samon was living in Lombard Street in 1532: this might be the same man.

29 August, 1668. Dear old Samuel Pepys visited us this day, and thus records his intentions and opinion concerning the picture--

And at noon comes by appointment Harris to dine with me: and after dinner he and I to Chyrurgeons Hall, where they are building it new, very fine; and there to see their theatre, which stood all the fire, and which was our business, their great picture of Holben’s, thinking to have bought it by the help of Mr. Pierce, for a little money: I did think to give £200 for it, it being said to be worth £1,000; but it is so spoiled that I have no mind to it, and is not a pleasant, though a good picture.

James Pierce (or Pearse) Surgeon to Charles II and to the Duke of York. Master in 1675

James I seems to have entertained a high opinion of this picture, and borrowed it of us to be copied: his letter applying for it is preserved at the Hall, and is as follows.

JAMES R.

Trustie and welbeloved Wee greete you well. Where we are informed of a Table of painting in yo{r} Hall wherein is the Picture of o{r} Predecesso{r} of famous memorie K. Henry the 8{th}, together with diverse of yo{r} Companie, w{ch} being both like him, and well done, Wee are desirous to have copyed. Wherfore o{r} pleasure is that you presently deliver it unto this bearer Our Welbeloved Servant S{r} Lionell Cranfield Knight, One of Our Maisters of Requests, whome Wee have commaunded to receave it of you and to see it w{th} all expedition copied and redelivered safely; and so Wee bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Newmarket the 13{th} day of Januarie 1617.

i.e., 1617/8.

The Court of course agreed to lend the picture, though doubtless with some misgivings; contrary however to the practice of the time when money was “lent” to the King, it found its way back to the Hall.

In 1627, Charles I, a more suspicious borrower than his father, had it to Whitehall, but here again we fortunately had it returned.

The Royal College of Surgeons possess some Cartoons, from which, it has been said, this picture was painted; this is, however, very doubtful. Some particulars as to these Cartoons may be seen in Mr. D’Arcy Power’s book, p. 96.

In 1734 the Company agreed with Mr. Bernard Baron for him to engrave the picture for 150 guineas, and several details relating thereto are recorded in the Minutes. It was published in 1736, and is a faithful reproduction, much sought after by collectors. Baron has however copied the picture, exactly as he saw it on to the copperplate, so that when the impressions were struck off, everything was reversed. His original study, a red crayon, beautifully executed, is preserved in the Court Room, and the copperplate is still used, each Assistant on his election being presented with a copy of the engraving. The Company also possess a rather rough proof before letters.

The print is dedicated to the Earl of Burlington, with a Latin inscription, of which the following is a translation.

“To the Most Noble Lord Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington and Cork, &c., Knight of the Most Illustrious Order of the Garter. For the restoration, with the greatest liberality, at his own costs, of the Anatomical Theatre built a hundred years before, with the greatest skill, by the very celebrated Architect Inigo Jones, and decayed by lapse of time. This painting of Holbein representing the granting of a Charter given with his own hand by Henry VIII, King of England, &c., to the Society of Surgeons in London and preserved in their Hall, is by the Society of Surgeons of London humbly dedicated.”

This inscription, written at a time when the relations between the Barbers and the Surgeons of the Company were becoming strained, was evidently drawn by a Surgeon, who coolly ignored the Barbers throughout.

A very good pen and ink drawing of the picture was made by Austin Travers Young (aged 16) in 1883, and presented by him to the Company, for which he received the thanks of the Court.

1537. In “Chapter House Book” B. 1. (at the Record Office) is a list of the freemen of the several Companies of London at this date, which gives the names of 2,468 freemen in 39 Companies (an average of about 63 to each). The Barbers outstripped in numbers all the others, having a roll of 185 members; next to them came the Skinners with 151, then the Haberdashers with 120, so on down to the Bowyers, who mustered but 19. The premier Company, the Mercers, numbered but 55, whilst the ancient Weavers had only 30 members.

The following is the list of our freemen, the first twenty-six being members of the Court, and Nicholas Symson, Master that year.

Nicholas Symson. | John Raven. | Thomas Wilson. Willm Kyrckby. | Robert Hutton. | John Smythe. Thomas Vycars. | Henry Pemberton. | Willm Hiller. John Bankꝭ. | Willm Shirborne. | Richard Tholmod. John Potter. | George Genne. | John Awcetter. Thomas Twyn. | Thomas Johnson. | John Johnson. | Robert Spegnall. | Richard Sermond. John Holland. | Richard Boll. | Hugh Lyncocke. Willm Rewe. | Nacholas Alcoke. | John Bordman. John Aylyff. | Willm. Tylley. | Rauf Stek. Edmond Harman. | John Northcote. | Henry Hogekynson. John Peñ. | Willm. Wetyngton. | John Tomson. Richard Tayler. | Henry Yong. | Hugh Dier. Harry Carrier. | Cristofer Samond. | Edward ffreman. Rauf Garland. | Robert Waterford. | Thomas Mone. John Enderbye. | Henry Atkyn. | Willm Yenson. Peter Devismand. | Christofer Bolling. | John Banester. Robert Postell. | Robert Stocdale. | Willm Trewise. John Bird. | Mathiewe Johnson. | Christofer Hungate. James Tomson. | Davy Sambroke. | John Hutton. Willm. Kydd. | John Atkynson. | John Browne. John Yong. | Thomas Waryn. | John Grene. Thomas Sutton. | Robert Grove. | John Tymber. Charles Wyght. | Robert Brownhill. | John Shrene. John Newman. | Willm Spencer. | Thomas Staynton. Thomas Grome. | Thomas Butfilane. | Thomas Pays. | Robert fforster. | Thomas Mede. Willm Higgꝭ. | Edmond Tyrell. | John Anger. John Dene. | John Philpott. | Thomas Worseley. Thomas Surbutt. | John Thowlmod. | John Gilberd. Willm Billing. | Edward Ingalby. | Cristofer Haynes. Willm. Lyghthed. | Richard Elyott. | Willm. Smythe. John Mosseley. | Willm. Downham. | John Smerthwaite. Willm. Hill. | Rogier Skynner. | John Lybbe. George Wenyard. | John Gerard. | George More. John Barker. | Richard Rogiers. | Thomas Burnett. Willm. Barker. | Thomas Dicson. | John Hamlyn. James Wod. | Thomas Gylman. | Richard Child. John Stere. | Thomas Dester. | Thomas Baily. Willm Hetherley. | Edward Hewett. | George Vaughan. Olyver Wilson. | John Dormot. | Thomas Wetyngh’m. Willm. Grene. | George Batman. | John Bonair. Henry Rawshold. | Thomas Vivian. | Richard Cokerell. Bartilmewe Dobynson. | George Brightwelton. | Willm. Walton. Henry Patterson. | John Waren. | Geferey ffraunceis. Philip Pegott. | John Greenway. | Thomas ffayles. Robert Downys. | John Bell. | John Edlyn. Antony Barowes. | Laurens Mollyners. | John Samond. James Hogeson. | John Cobbold. | Henry Bodeley. Robert Wevir. | Willm. Draper. | Thomas Stanbrige. John Surbut. | Richard Smythe. | Willm. Borrell. Willm Sewell. | Robert Ledꝭ. | Richard Nicols. John Denys. | John Gamlyn. | Edward Hughbank. John Page. | Thomas Cutbert. | John Charterane. Robert Dodwell. | Robert Chamber. | Henry Wotton. John Cutberd. | Lewis Bromefeld. | Robert Hastyngꝭ. John Gray. | Richard Worseley. | Alex Mason. Willm. Dauntese. | John Oskyn. | Thomas Darker. Thomas Appilton. | John Robynson. | Thomas ffyshe. John Cragell. | Richard Coley. | Edward Rollesley. Thomas Arundell. | John West. | John Braswell. Willm. Johnson. | Willm. Welfed. | Willm. Symsyn. Henr’. Adam. | |

Vycary. Tholmwood. Sprignall. Bowle. Cazier? Daiseman. Butphillian. Tholmwood. Ingolsby.

The forty-two names following the Court and ending at John Awcetter were Liverymen, the remaining hundred and seventeen being Yeomanry.

1543. A few years previously the King had set the example of wearing his hair and beard short, and now the City seems to have discountenanced long beards, as I find the following in Letter Book Q. 87. (10th July, 35 Henry viij.)

AN ACTE AGAYNST} BEARDED MEN. }

ITEM for dyvˀse & sundrye consyderac͠ons & causes movyng this Cor̃te it is this daye orderyd & decreid & establyshed by the same that from henseforward there shall no Cytezen or other iñhit{a}unte of this Cytie usyng or havyng a greate berde of more notable pˀlyxitie or length then other the seid Cytezens of this Cytie do nowe use or have hertofore of late yeres usyd to were, either be iñhited pˀmytted or suffred to Receyve or take eny orphanage into his handes and custodye albeit that he wolde fynde nevˀ soe good suertyes for the same nor yet be admytted from henseforward to this Co{r}te for eny Recognito{ns} or suertye for eny suche orphange And yt is also assentyd & agreid that no pˀson havynge eny such berde shalbe admytted by redempc͠on into the lybt̃ies & fredome of this Cytie as longe as he shall were eny such berde.

Inhabitant. Prolixity.

1544 and 1545. In Repertory XI (at Guildhall) ff. 73{B.,} 176, 187{B.,} 229{B.,} 232 and 234 are various records relating to the vexed question of the Barber-Surgeons going on inquests, bearing armour and serving as constables, from all which offices they claimed exemption under their Charters and Act of Parliament.

By the earlier entry, it seems that the Wardens were warned to appear before the Court of Aldermen to shew cause why they refused to pass upon inquests, etc.; then came a petition from the Company praying to be discharged of all offices save the Inquest of Wardmote once a year; this does not appear to have satisfied the Authorities, and the Company were directed to draw up further Articles to be submitted to the Court of Aldermen. Great pressure was no doubt put upon the Barber-Surgeons, the result being that they abandoned most of the privileges of exemption which they had claimed, and submitted a Bill of Articles, which was finally approved, and entered of record on fo. 234. A copy of this lengthy document is at the Hall, and from it it appears that on the 22nd October, 1545, the Company appeared before the Court of Aldermen as “humble Besechers” to be shorn of their privileges, the ground of their petition being “That forasmoche as some grudge and displeasure is lately sith the unyon and conjunction of their said ffelowshippes in to one entyre Company growen conteyned and taken against them and their said ffelowship, by dyverse of theire neighbours being citezeins of this citie, as they be, by reason that they your said suppliauntꝭ” are discharged by their Charters and Act of Parliament from bearing offices, etc., “that other the Cittzeins of this citie are ellygible and lyable unto, ffor the whiche grudge and displeasure your besechers are not a little sorye. ffor the playne declarac͠on thereof and for the eschewyng advoyding and utter extinguysshement of the said grudge and displeasure from hensforwarde,” they are content that it shall be ordained that they shall go upon all Wardmote Inquests, but not upon any inquests between party and party (i.e., sit as jurymen in civil actions); that all freemen of the Company not practising Surgery shall be contributory to all assessments, serve as Constables and keep watches in their turn as other citizens, but that all Surgeons shall be free from bearing armour, etc.

Notwithstanding this compromise, entered in the City books, it seems in course of time to have been overlooked, and, as has been previously remarked, the exemption of all freemen of the Company from juries, etc., has been claimed and allowed down to quite recent days.

1550. The first of our Court Minute Books which has been preserved, commences in the 4{th} Edward VI, and bears this title,

~Orders and Awardes~ made ordered and awarded within the tyme of Maister George Geen Thomas Johnson Thomas Stocdall and Mathew Johnson Maister and Wardeins of the Company and fellowship of BARBORS SURGEONS of London for one hole yere begynnyng the xxvj{th} day of Auguste in the fowerthe yere of the reigne of our Sovereigne Lorde Kynge Edward the Syxte with thassent and consent of the Assistaunces of the same Companye as hereafter ensuethe.

From this and the succeeding Minute Books, the following extracts are principally taken as illustrative of the Company’s History from this period:

1556. At the end of the first book is a very long memorandum written and signed by Thomas Knot, Master, to the effect that on the 26th March, 1556, he made humble suit to the Lord Mayor, Sir Will{m.} Garrett and the Aldermen, in the name of the Company, for the exemption of the Company from finding or setting forth any soldiers or men of war at any time thereafter, when it might be that the Citizens of London should be required to do so, either by sea or land, “fforasmoche as the same Company are alwayes at every such tyme and tymes very sore burdened and chardged otherwise hereafter expressed, that is to saye, They are comaunded and bounden to prepare and fynde so manye Surgeons and so many other men attendinge upon them at every tyme and tymes that it shall fortune the King” to send out soldiers by sea or land, and “the same Company doe alwayes prepare fynde and send furthe for every one houndreth of suche Souldyers one Surgeon and a man attending upon him.” Upon which representations the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were pleased to grant to the Company, that on future occasions when the like requisitions might “fortune to be layed or appointed to or upon theym, that then they in every suche case upon their gentle suyte and request made unto the Lorde Mayor and courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge for and concernynge their sayd dischardge for and in consyderac͠on of the causes above remembered, shalbe as gentelye and charytably holpen eased and releaved in that behalf as the wayte and ymportaunce of the burden that the Cytie at every suche tyme shalbe chardged w{th} all will reasonablye permytt and suffer.”

The memorandum then proceeds to state that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen advised the Master to cause a remembrance of the above (being only a promise by word of mouth) to be entered and recorded in the Book of Ordinances of the Company, which was done.

1555. In Henry Machyn’s Diary for this year, is the following reference to a Romish procession, winding up with a dinner at Barbers’ Hall.

The xxvij day of May was the Clarkes prossessyon from Yerdhall college, and ther was a goodly masse to be hard, and evere clarke havyng a cope and garland, with C. stremers borne, and the whettes a playng round Chepe, and so to Ledynhall unto Sant Albro chyrche, and ther thay putt off ther gayre, and ther was the blessyd sacrament borne with torche-lyght abowt, and from thens unto the Barbur-hall to dener.

Guildhall. A hundred. Waits. St. Ethelburga.

Charter from Philip and Mary, which is still in our possession, and has a most beautifully executed title, the initial letter representing the King and Queen seated on the throne, and the border containing various heraldic badges; the seal unfortunately is damaged.

PHILIPPUS ET MARIA, Dei gracia Rex et Regina Anglie hispaniarum ffrancie utriusque Sicilie Jerusalem & hiᵬine fidei defensores Archiduces Austrie Duces Burgundie Mediolani & brabantie Countes haspurgi fflandrˀ & Tirolis.

~Omnibus~ ad quos presentes lr̃e pervñint salt̃m.

INSPEXIMUS quasdam lrãs patentes domini H. quondam Regis Anglie septum fc̃as in hec verba, HENRICUS dei grã, &c. . . . . . . . . Teste me ip̃o apud Westmonastiũm duodecimo die marcii Anno regni nr̃i tcĩo. Yong. pro viginti soliᵭ solut̃ in hanap̃io. NOS AUTEM lrãs pˀdcãs ac omnia & singula in eisdem contenta rata heñtes & grata ac ea pro noᵬ heredibʒ & Successoribʒ nr̃m prefate Regine quantum in noᵬ est acceptamus & approbamus ac ea dilc̃is noᵬ Thome Vicary nunc magistro mistere barbitonsoꝜ Thome Whytyngame Jacobo Wood & Johĩ Warren Gubernatoribus ejusdem mistere & Successoribʒ suis ratificamus & confirmamˀ p’ut lrẽ p’dc̃e in se r̃onabiliter testantur. IN CUJUS rei testimonĩu has lr̃as nrãs fieri fecimus patentes. TESTIBUS nobis ip̃is apud Westmonasterium octavo die Junii Annis regnorum quarto & quinto.

A clerical error, for Henry VIII.

LUTLEY.

Taxat̃ finis ad x{l.}

Nico eboꝜ Canc.

Assessed at a fine of £10. Nicholas (Archbishop of) York, Chancellor.

It is noticeable in this Charter that the confirmation is to the Governors of the “Barbers,” and not “Barber-Surgeons,” although the latter was then the legal style of the Company, but probably this was another clerical error.

1560. This year (6th January) the Company obtained an Inspeximus Charter from Elizabeth, still preserved at the Hall; it has a title in much the same style as the preceding charter, but the seal is very much damaged.

ELIZABETH, Dei gracia Anglie FFrancie, et hibernie Regina fidei defensor, &c. ~Omnibus~ ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem.

INSPEXIMUS litteras patentes Dn̄i P. et Dn̄e M. Sororis nr̃e precharissime nuper Regis et Regine Anglie de confirmac͠oe factas in hec verba PHILIPPUS et MARIA dei gracia, &c. . . . . . . . . TESTIBUS nobis ip̃is apud Westmonasterĩu octavo die Junii Annis regnoꝜ nr̃oꝜ quarto et quinto. NOS AUTEM lrãs predcãs ac omĩa et singula in eisdem contenta rata habentes et grata ea pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nr̃is quantum in nobis est acceptamus et approbamus ac ea Diɫcis nobis Georgio Geñ nunc magistro mistere BarbitonsoꝜ Willm̄ Grene Thome Bayly et Joh̃i Smarthawyte Gubernatoribus ejusdem mistere et Successoribus suis ratificamus et confirmamus prout lrẽ predcẽ in se racionabiliter testantur. IN CUJUS REI TESTIMONIUM has lrãs nrãs fieri fecimus patentes. TESTE me ip̃a apud Westmonasteriũ sexto die Januarii Anno regni nr̃ secundo.

COTTON.

Taxat̃ finis ad x{l.} vj{s.} viij{d.}

In Machyn’s quaint Diary, we find the following entries:--

1561. The xxiiij day of Feybruary whent to hang xviij men and ij women, and serten ware browthe to be bered in serten parryches in London; the barbur surgens had on of them to be a notheme at ther halle.

Brought. One. Anatomy.

1562. The xx day of June was a gret shutyng of the Compene of the Barbur Surgeantes for a gret soper at ther owne hall for a xxx mess of mett, for they dyd make ij godley stremars agaynst that day of their harmes, the whyche they wher agmented by the most valeant kyng at armes master . . . . . . and they had vj drumes plahyng and a flutt; and ij gret ansutts, and as a shot was wone, downe whent that and up the thodar, and as they whan the shut; and master Gall and ys syd wan the soper--the master of the Compene.

Shooting, probably at Moorfields, with bows and arrows. Meat. Goodly. Arms. Ancients (flags). The other. Thomas Galle. His side.

The x day of August was Barbur surgyons fest, and they capt ther communion at Sant Alphes at Crepull-gat, and master Recherdson dyd pryche, the skott; ther was good syngyng; and after to ther halle to dener, and after dener a play.

St. Alphage. Preach.

1567. Elizabeth inaugurated the first State Lottery in England, as a means of providing money, and a very peremptory mandate was directed by the Lord Mayor to the various City Companies, commanding them to adventure therein.

1st February, 1568. The Barber-Surgeons put in 40{s.} for the “use, profet and benefyt of the hall,” but did not draw a prize, and indeed none of the Companies reaped any advantage by the speculation, the Lottery being simply a trap into which they were ordered to walk.

The proposal for this Lottery was as follows:--

A verie rich Lotterie Generall without any Blancks contayning a great No. of good prices, as well of redy money, as of Plate & certaine sorts of marchaundizes having been valued & prised by the commaundement of the Queenes most excellent Majestie by men expert & skilfull and the same Lotterie is erected by hir majesties order, to the entent that such Commoditie as may chaunce to arise thereof, after the charges borne, may be converted towards the reparation of the Havens and strength of the Realme, & towardes such other publique good workes. The No. of lots shall be foure hundreth thousand, and no more: and every lot shall be the summe of tenne shillings sterling onely, and no more.

Stow says that this Lottery was commenced to be drawn on the 11th January, 1569, at the West Door of St. Paul’s, and continued drawing day and night until the 6th May following.

It was a common practice of the Companies to put in their money under mottoes, and some curious ones are recorded, many being composed with a quaint sarcasm on the probability of prizes being obtained.

Herbert (Hist. of the Twelve Livery Companies) gives some interesting particulars of the State Lotteries, and quotes a motto used by the Merchant Taylors which pretty clearly indicates their opinion of the business;

One byrde in the hande is worth two in the wood, If we get the great lot, it will do us good.

Some of the prizes were ridiculously small, e.g., 1s. 2d., 2s. 1d., etc., and great dissatisfaction was expressed at the principal prizes remaining unpaid to the winners.

1573. The Company received a precept from the Lord Mayor for a “loan” of money to make provision of wheat for the City, and the same was by the Court ordered to be complied with. This “corn custom” is very fully treated of by Herbert, and was virtually a tax upon the companies, who were each rated and compelled to find a certain proportion of corn to be stored by the City, and sold at such times as when, there being a scarcity, the markets would otherwise rise, were it not for the immense stock kept by the City. This custom survived for many years under certain modifications; as we shall see hereafter, our Company built a granary in 1633, and stored their own corn.

The precept above referred to was as follows--

Forasmuche as all comon polecye requyreth the prevenc͠on of extremities, and consideringe as you knowe the urgent and present necessitie, and the lacke of provision of wheate and other grayne for furniture of this so great and populous citie, of the want whereof the queenes ma{tie} and her most honorable coñsell are not ignorant; but havinge spˀcial regard to the same, are not a lytle offended and displeased, with some grefe that there bene no better pˀvision heretofore made, and that presentlie the cittie shoulde be no better stored, by reson wherof the prices of corne and grayne is now muche dearer in this cittie than in any other parte of this realme, have not only at sundrye times and gentle meanes, but also w{th} some terror, as welle in the Starre-chamber as in other places afore the counsell, given us admonicion that the same her ma{ties} cittie and chamber may not be unfurnished for lacke of good pˀvision. And we, as our duties is, havinge great care and especial consideracion of the same, and pˀcevynge by order of the harvest past, and the unkynd season of the yeare, sith that the prices of corne is verry likely to encrease and be advanced to a greater and higher price than yet is, have thought good and verrye necessarye for the avoyding of greater inconvenyences, to make immediate pˀvision of a great masse and quantity of wheate and other grayne, as well w{th}in the realme as beyond the seas for the provision aforesaid, w{ch} cannot be done w{th}out a great some of money presentlie to be defrayed, w{ch} is not to be levyed but by the good assestens of you and others, good coustomers and cittezens of this cittie; have therefore assessed your Company of Barber Surgeons at the some of which is agreed upon by acte of coˀen counsell, w{ch} some of we do not only require you, but also streaghtle charge and comande you, immediatelie upon the recept hereof, calling your companye together in your comon hall, you do forthw{th} tax, levy, and gather of the welthiest and most able persones of the same the sum aforesaid, in such wise that you fayle not to pay the same, and evrie pˀcell thereof, to the hands of George Helton, of the cittie of London, w{th} all expedicion, and w{th}out repayment thereof to you. Fayle not hereof, as you tender the mytigac͠on of our sovereigne ladye the queens majesties displeasure already conceived, and do tender the com̃on weale of this cittie, together w{th} your private condytte, and as you will answer for the contrarye.

The amount is left blank.

The next entry would seem to indicate some contemplated State interference with the Company’s property, and the answer was probably not in exact accordance with the truth, for on the 28 May, 1576, a precept in the Queen’s name, having been received, calling upon the Master and Wardens to return to the Guildhall an account of the revenue of their lands, and of their goods, “the answere was that the true revenewe of the landes was xx{ti} markes whereof the most pˀte went forthe and is disbursed in peñcons, and that we had no goods.”

1578. A precept was received as follows,

THYES shalbe to will and require yo{u} and in her maiesties name streitlie to charge and comaunde yo{u} that w{th} all convenient spede yo{u} appointe and pˀvide the number of twelve hable and sufficient pˀsons being Iournemen appnˀtices or others wc{h} are fremen of this Cittie and inhabitinge w{th}in the same beinge of agilitie and honest of behavio{r} betweene the age of xix yeres and xl{ti} w{ch} are fitt to be trayned for harquebus shott, evˀy one of them havinge a murrion, a sworde and dagger, and a caliver w{th} sufficient furniture for the same, and one half pounde of powder, besides touche powder whereof Three of the same pˀsons to be house holders and free men of yo{r} saide Companie, and that yo{u} certyfie me the saide Maior the names and sir names of all yo{r} saide number where and w{th} whome they dwell, of what Companie they be free, and what Captaynes or other skilfull men that be of yo{r} saide Companie or whome yo{u} knowe inhabitinge w{th}in this Cittie fitt to trayne or leade the same men of there names and dwellinge places. And that they be all in a redines furnished as aforesaide to muster in there hose and dublets onlie, or dublets hose and jerkins w{th}in xiiij{en} daies next ensuinge the date hereof. And for the levyenge of monie for the saide furniture And for the charge of powder yo{u} shall collect suche reasonable somẽs of monie as yo{u} shall finde mete for the saide pˀporc͠on, by waie of reasonable assesment of evˀy sevˀall welthie and hable pˀson of yo{r} Companie. Wherein we require yo{u} in anie wyse to spare the powrer sorte of ffremen although yo{u} somewhat more largelie burden the ritche. YOVEN at the Guildhall of this Cittie of London the xv{th} daie of Marche 1577.

i.e., 1578.

SEBRIGHT.

In pursuance of this precept a levy was made upon ninety freemen, who contributed £19 17s. 11d. (in sums ranging from 1{s} to 6{s} 8{d}) and upon ten “foreins” who paid in all £3. The Expenses of the soldiers, and their arms, powder, etc., are all set out in detail (see