Part 29

When it is remembered that these figures were supplied by the firms involved; that they were submitted to a tremendously overworked department, lacking the facilities for effective checking-up; and that they were submitted for the purposes of heavy taxation, the showing is nothing less than astounding.

8. Winnings in the Home Field

What has the American plutocracy won at home as a result of the war? In two words it has gained social prestige and internal (economic) solidarity. Both are vital as the foundation for future assertions of power.

The plutocracy has unified its hold upon the country as a result of the war. Also, it has won an important battle in its struggle with labor. The position held by the American plutocracy at the end of the Great War could hardly be stated more adequately than in a recent Confidential Information Service furnished by an important agency to American business men:

"SHALL VICTORS BE MAGNANIMOUS?

"There is no doubt about it--Labor is beaten. Mr. Gompers was at his zenith in 1918. Since then he has steadily lost power. He has lost power with his own people because he is no longer able to deliver the goods. He can no longer deliver the goods for two reasons. For one thing, peace urgency has replaced war urgency and we are not willing to bid for peace labor as we were willing to bid for war labor. For another thing, the employing class is immensely more powerful than it was in 1914.

"We have an organized labor force more numerous than ever before. Relatively twice as many workers are organized as in 1916. But this same labor force has lost its hold on the public. Furthermore, it is divided in its own camp. It fears capital. It also fears its own factions. It threatens, but it does not dare.

"We said that the employing class was immensely more powerful than in 1914. There is more money at its command. Eighteen thousand new millionaires are the war's legacy. This money capacity is more thoroughly unified than ever. In 1914 we had thirty-thousand banks, functioning to a great degree in independence of each other. Then came the Federal Reserve Act and gave us the machinery for consolidation and the emergency of five years war furnished the hammer blows to weld the structure into one.

"The war taught the employing class the secret and the power of widespread propaganda. Imperial Europe had been aware of this power. It was new to the United States. Now, when we have anything to sell to the American people we know how to sell it. We have learned. We have the schools. We have the pulpit. The employing class owns the press. There is practically no important paper in the United States but is theirs!"

9. The Run of the World

The war gains of the American plutocracy at home were immense. Even more significant, from an imperial standpoint, were the international advantages that came to America with the war. The events of the two years between 1916 and 1918 gave the United States the run of the world.

Destiny seemed to be bent upon hurling the American people into a position of world authority. First, there was the matter of credit. The Allies were reaching the end of their economic rope when the United States entered the war. They were not bankrupt, but their credit was strained, their industries were disorganized, their sources of income were narrowed, and they were looking anxiously for some source from which they might draw the immense volume of goods and credit that were necessary for the continuance of the struggle.

The United States was that source of supply. During the years from 1915 to 1917, the industries of the United States were shifted gradually from a peace basis to a war basis. Quantities of material destined for use in the war were shipped to the Allies. The unusual profits made on much of this business were not curtailed by heavy war taxation. Thus for more than two years the basic industries of the United States reaped a harvest in profits which were actually free of taxation, at the same time that they placed themselves on a war basis for the supplying of Europe's war demand. When the United States did enter the war, she came with all of the economic advantages that had arisen from selling war material to the belligerents during two and a half years. Throughout those years, while the Allies were bleeding and borrowing and paying, the American plutocracy was growing rich.

When the United States entered the war, she entered it as an ally of powers that were economically winded. She herself was fresh. With the greatest estimated wealth of any of the warring countries, she had a public national debt of less than one half of one percent of her total wealth. She had larger quantities of liquid capital and a vast economic surplus. As a consequence, she held the purse strings and was able, during the next two years, to lend to the Allied nations nearly ten billion dollars without straining her resources to any appreciable degree.

The nations of Europe had been so deeply engrossed in war-making that they had been unable to provide themselves with the necessary food. All of the warring countries, with the exception of Russia, were importers of food in normal times. The disturbances incident to the war; the insatiable army demands, and the loss of shipping all had their effect in bringing the Allied countries to a point of critical food scarcity in the Winter of 1916-1917.

The United States was able to meet this food shortage as easily as it met the European credit shortage--and with no greater sacrifice on the part of the American people. Then, too, with the exception of small amounts of food donated through relief organizations, the food that went to Europe was sold at fancy prices. The United States was therefore in a position to lay down the basic law,--"Submit or starve."

With the purse strings and the larder under American control, the temporary supremacy of the United States was assured. She was the one important nation (beside Japan) that had lost little and gained much during the war. She was the only great nation with a surplus of credit, of raw materials and of food.

The prosperity incident to this period is reflected in the record of American exports, which rose from an average of about two billions in the years immediately preceding the war to more than six billions in 1917. In the same year the imports were just under three billions, leaving a trade balance--that is, a debt owing by foreign countries to the United States--of more than three billions for that one year.

10. Victory

The war had been in progress for nearly three years before the United States took her stand on the side of the Allies. At that time the flower of Europe's manhood had faced, for three winters, a fearful pressure of hardship and exposure, while millions among the non-combatants had suffered, starved, sickened and died. The nerves of Europe were worn and the belly of Europe was empty when the American soldiers entered the trenches. They were never compelled to bear the brunt of the conflict. They arrived when the Central Empires were sagging. Their mere presence was the token of victory.

For the first time in history the Americans were matched against the peoples of the old world on the home ground of the old world, and under circumstances that were enormously favorable to the Americans. European capitalism had weakened itself irreparably. The United States entered the war at a juncture that enabled her to take the palm after she had already taken billions of profit without risk or loss. The gain to the United States was immense, beyond the possibility of present estimate. The rulers of the United States became, for the time being, at least, the economic dictators of the world.

The Great War brought noteworthy advantages to the American plutocracy. At home its power was clinched. Among the nations, the United States was elevated by the war into a position of commanding importance. In a superficial sense, at least, the Great War "made" the plutocracy at home and "made" the United States among the nations.

FOOTNOTES:

"The Navy League Unmasked," Speech of December 15, 1915, Congressional Record.

This campaign was conducted by H. P. Davison, one of the leading members of the firm of J. P. Morgan and Co. Later a great war-fund drive was conducted by John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Cleveland H. Dodge of the Phelps-Dodge corporation was treasurer of another fund.

J. Maynard Keynes notes the "immense anxieties and impossible financial requirements" of the period between the Summer of 1916 and the Spring of 1917. The task would soon have become "entirely hopeless" but "from April, 1917" the problems were "of an entirely different order." "The Economic Consequences of the Peace." New York, Harcourt, Brace & Howe, 1920, p. 273.

XII. THE IMPERIAL HIGHROAD

1. A Youthful Traveler