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The American Empire · Scott Nearing — chapter 19 of 51 · ~1,607 words · public domain

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While industry was competitive, the pressure of competition kept prices at a cost level, and the exploiting power of the owner was confined to the job-holder. To-day, through combinations and consolidations, industry has ceased to be competitive, and the exploiting power of the job-owner is extended through his ownership of the product.

The modern town-dweller is almost wholly in the hands of the private owners of the products upon which he depends. The ordinary city dweller spends two-fifths of his income for food; one-fifth for rent, fuel and light, and one-fifth for clothes. Food, houses, fuel (with the exception of gas supply in some cities), and clothing are privately owned. The public ownership of streets and water works, of some gas, electricity, street cars, and public markets, is a negligible factor in the problem. The private monopolist has the upper hand and he is able through the control of transportation, storage, and merchandising facilities, to make handsome profits for the "service" which he renders the consumer.

7. The Control of the Surplus

The wealth owners are doubly entrenched. They own the jobs upon which most families depend for a living. They own the necessaries of life which most families must purchase in order to live. Further, they control the surplus wealth of the community.

There are three principal channels of surplus. First of all there is the surplus laid aside by business concerns, reinvested in the business, spent for new equipment and disposed of in other ways that add to the value of the property. Second, there are the 19,103 people in the United States with incomes of $50,000 or more per year; the 30,391 people with incomes of $25,000 to $50,000 per year and the 12,502 people with incomes of $10,000 to $25,000 per year. (Figures for 1917.) Many, if not most of these rich people, carry heavy insurance, invest in securities, or in some other way add to surplus. In the third place there are the small investors, savings-bank depositors, insurance policy holders who, from their income, have saved something and have laid it aside for the rainy day. The masters of economic life--bankers, insurance men, property holders, business directors--are in control of all three forms of surplus.

The billions of surplus wealth that come each year under the control of the masters carry with them an immense authority over the affairs of the community. The owners of wealth owe much of their immediate power to the fact that they control this surplus, and are in a position to direct its flow into such channels as they may select.

8. The Channels of Public Opinion

No one can question the control which business interests exercise over the jobs, the industrial product, and the economic surplus of the community. These facts are universally admitted. But the corollaries which flow naturally from such axioms are not so readily accepted. Yet given the economic power of the business world, the control over the channels of public opinion and over the machinery of government follows as a matter of course.

The channels of public opinion--the school, the press, the pulpit,--are not directly productive of tangible economic goods, yet they depend upon tangible economic goods for their maintenance. Whence should these goods come? Whence but from the system that produces them, through the men who control that system! The plutocracy exercises its power over the channels of public opinion in two ways,--the first, by a direct or business office control; and second, by an indirect or social prestige control.

The business office control is direct and simple. Schools, colleges, newspapers, magazines and churches need money. They cannot produce tangible wealth directly, and they must, therefore, depend upon the surplus which arises from the productive activities of the economic world. Who controls that surplus? Business men. Who, then, is in a position to dictate terms in financial matters? Who but the dominant forces in business life?

The facts are incontrovertible. It is not mere chance that recruits the overwhelming majority of school-board members, college trustees, newspaper managers, and church vestrymen, from the ranks of successful business and professional men. It is necessary for the educator, the journalist, and the minister to work through these men in order to secure the "sinews of war." They are at the focal points of power because they control the sources of surplus wealth.

The second method of maintaining control--through the control of social prestige--is indirect, but none the less effective. The young man in college; the young graduate looking for a job; the young man rising in his profession, and the man gaining ascendancy in his chosen career are brought into constant contact with the "influential" members of the business world. It is the business world that dominates the clubs and the vacation spots; it is the business world that is met in church, at the dinner tables and at the social gathering.

The man who would "succeed" must retain the favor of this group. He does so automatically, instinctively or semi-consciously--it is the common, accepted practice and he falls in line.

The masters need not bribe. They need not resort to illegal or unethical methods. The ordinary channels of advertising, of business acquaintance and patronage, of philanthropy and of social intercourse clinch their power over the channels of public opinion.

9. The Control of Political Machinery

The American government,--city, state and nation--is in almost the same position as the schools, newspapers and churches. It does not turn out tangible, economic products. It depends, for its support, upon taxes which are levied, in the first instance, upon property. Who are the owners of this property? The business interests. Who, therefore, pay the bills of the government? The business interests.

Nowhere has the issue been stated more clearly or more emphatically than by Woodrow Wilson in certain passages of his "New Freedom." As a student of politics and government--particularly the American Government--he sees the power which those who control economic life are able to exercise over public affairs, and realizes that their influence has grown, until it overtops that of the political world so completely that the machinery of politics is under the domination of the organizers and directors of industry.

"We know," writes Mr. Wilson in "The New Freedom," "that something intervenes between the people of the United States and the control of their own affairs at Washington. It is not the people who have been ruling there of late" (p. 28). "The masters of the government of the United States are the combined capitalists and manufacturers of the United States.... Suppose you go to Washington and try to get at your government. You will always find that while you are politely listened to, the men really consulted are the men who have the biggest stakes--the big bankers, the big manufacturers, the big masters of commerce, the heads of railroad corporations and of steamship corporations.... Every time it has come to a critical question, these gentlemen have been yielded to and their demands have been treated as the demands that should be followed as a matter of course. The government of the United States at present is a foster-child of the special interests" (p. 57-58). "The organization of business has become more centralized, vastly more centralized, than the political organization of the country itself" (p. 187). "An invisible empire has been set up above the forms of democracy" (p. 35). "We are all caught in a great economic system which is heartless" (p. 10).

This is the direct control exercised by the plutocracy over the machinery of government. Its indirect control is no less important, and is exercised in exactly the same way as in the case of the channels of public opinion.

Lawyers receive preferment and fees from business--there is no other large source of support for lawyers. Judges are chosen from among these same lawyers. Usually they are lawyers who have won preferment and emolument. Legislators are lawyers and business men, or the representatives of lawyers and business men. The result is as logical as it is inevitable.

The wealth owners control the machinery of government because they pay the taxes and provide the campaign funds. They control public officials because they have been, are, or hope to be, on the payrolls, or participants in the profits of industrial enterprises.

10. It is "Their United States"

The man fighting for bread has little time to "turn his eyes up to the eternal stars." The western cult of efficiency makes no allowances for philosophic propensities. Its object is product and it is satisfied with nothing short of that sordid goal.

The members of the wealth owning class are relieved from the food struggle. Their ownership of the social machinery guarantees them a secure income from which they need make no appeal. These privileges provide for them and theirs the leisure and the culture that are the only possible excuse for the existence of civilization.

The propertied class, because it owns the jobs, the industrial products, the social surplus, the channels of public opinion and the political machinery also enjoys the opportunity that goes with adequately assured income, leisure and culture.

The members of the dominant economic class hold a key--property ownership--which opens the structure of social wealth. Those who have access to this key are the blessed ones. Theirs are the things of this world.

The property owners enjoy the fleshpots. They hold the vantage points. The vital forces are in their hands. Economically, politically, socially, they are supreme.

If the control of material things can make a group secure, the wealth owners in the United States are secure. They hold property, prestige, power.

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