Part 78

It is, however, just possible that she had consulted the astrological work that had been translated from the Arabic by Hermann the Dalmatian for Bernard Sylvestris, and is represented in the Bodleian MSS. Digby 46 and Ashmole 304.

See Baldassare Boncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo Cremonese, Traduttore del secolo duodecimo, e di Gherardo di Sabbionetta, Astronomo del secolo decimoterzo, Rome, 1851; also K. Sudhoff, ‘Die kurze “Vita” und das Verzeichnis der Arbeiten Gerhards von Cremona, von seinen Schülern und Studiengenossen kurz nach dem Tode des Meisters (1187) zu Toledo verabfasst’, in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, Bd. viii, p. 73, November 1914.

Another translation of the Almagest was made in Sicily in 1160, direct from the Greek. See C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, ‘The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest’, in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, xi. 75, Cambridge, Mass., 1910. It is wholly improbable that Hildegard had access to this rendering, which is only known from a single MS. of the fourteenth century.

De Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, vol. i, p. 485, and vol. v, p. 50.

De Renzi, i. 486 and 495; v. 51 and 70.

De Renzi, i. 446; v. 3.

De Renzi, i. 485-6; v. 50-2.

Scivias, Migne, col. 403, and Liber Divinorum Operum, Migne, col. 868 and elsewhere.

Scivias, Migne, col. 404, and throughout the Liber Divinorum Operum.

Pitra, pp. 8, 114-16, 156, and 216.

The work of Bernard Sylvestris has been printed by C. S. Barach and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck, 1876. His identity, his sources, and his views are discussed by Charles Jourdain, Dissertation sur l’état de la philosophie naturelle ... pendant la première moitié du XII^e siècle; by A. Clerval, Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1895, p. 259, &c.; by R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought, London, 1884, p. 116, &c.; and by J. E. Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1903, vol. i, p. 513, &c.

The works of Hugh of St. Victor are published in Migne, Patrologia Latina, clxxv-clxxvii.

The Kalonymos family furnished prominent examples.

Charles Singer, ‘Allegorical Representation of the Synagogue, in a Twelfth-Century Illuminated MS. of Hildegard of Bingen’, Jewish Quarterly Review, new series, vol. v, p. 268, Philadelphia, 1915. For further evidence of Hildegard’s acquaintance with the Jews see Pitra, p. 216; and Migne, cols. 967 and 1020-36.

Pitra, p. 51 et seq.

Catello de Vivo, La Visione di Alberico, ristampata, tradotta e comparata con la Divina Commedia, Ariano, 1899. For a comparison of Dante’s visions and those of Hildegard see Albert Battandier in the Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, p. 422, Paris, 1883.

Reprinted in Migne, vol. 195.

Herrade de Landsberg, Hortus Deliciarum, by A. Straub and G. Keller, Strasbourg, 1901, with two supplements.

For sphericity of earth see especially Migne, cols. 868 and 903.

In her later Liber Divinorum Simplicis Hominis this method of orientation is varied both in the text and also in the Lucca illustrations.

Migne, col. 906.

Migne, cols. 903-4.

See H. Osborn Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, vol. i, p. 472, London, 1911.

Migne, cols. 904-6.

H. Osborn Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, i. 468, 471; ii. 569. See also A. Battandier, Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, p. 422, Paris, 1883.

The Meteorologica had been translated about 1150 by Aristippus, the minister of William the Bad of Sicily. The version of Aristippus passed quickly into circulation (Valentine Rose, ‘Die Lücke im Diogenes Laërtus und der alte Übersetzer’ in Hermes, i. 376, Berlin, 1866), but hardly soon enough for Hildegard’s Scivias, which was completed about 1150. It is, of course, possible that the references to the ignis niger are later interpolations, but this is very unlikely in view of the way in which she speaks of this vision in the Liber Divinorum Operum.

Migne, cols. 789-91.

Migne, col. 389.