In all geometric reasoning some propositions are necessarily taken for granted. These are called axioms, and are commonly regarded as self-evident. Yet their vital principle is not so much that of being self-evident as being, from the nature of the case, incapable of demonstration. Our edifice must have some support to rest upon, and we take these axioms as its foundation. One example of such a geometric axiom is that only one straight line can be drawn between two fixed points; in other words, two straight lines can never intersect in more than a single point. The axiom with which we are at present concerned is commonly known as the 11th of Euclid, and may be set forth in the following way: We have given a straight line, A B, and a point, P, with another line, C D, passing through it and capable of being turned around on P. Euclid assumes that this line C D will have one position in which it will be parallel to A B, that is, a position such that if the two lines are produced without end, they will never meet. His axiom is that only one such line can be drawn through P. That is to say, if we make the slightest possible change in the direction of the line C D, it will intersect the other line, either in one direction or the other.
The new geometry grew out of the feeling that this proposition ought to be proved rather than taken as an axiom; in fact, that it could in some way be derived from the other axioms. Many demonstrations of it were attempted, but it was always found, on critical examination, that the proposition itself, or its equivalent, had slyly worked itself in as part of the base of the reasoning, so that the very thing to be proved was really taken for granted.
This suggested another course of inquiry. If this axiom of parallels does not follow from the other axioms, then from these latter we may construct a system of geometry in which the axiom of parallels shall not be true. This was done by Lobatchewsky and Bolyai, the one a Russian the other a Hungarian geometer, about 1830.
To show how a result which looks absurd, and is really inconceivable by us, can be treated as possible in geometry, we must have recourse to analogy. Suppose a world consisting of a boundless flat plane to be inhabited by reasoning beings who can move about at pleasure on the plane, but are not able to turn their heads up or down, or even to see or think of such terms as above them and below them, and things around them can be pushed or pulled about in any direction, but cannot be lifted up. People and things can pass around each other, but cannot step over anything. These dwellers in "flatland" could construct a plane geometry which would be exactly like ours in being based on the axioms of Euclid. Two parallel straight lines would never meet, though continued indefinitely.
But suppose that the surface on which these beings live, instead of being an infinitely extended plane, is really the surface of an immense globe, like the earth on which we live. It needs no knowledge of geometry, but only an examination of any globular object--an apple, for example--to show that if we draw a line as straight as possible on a sphere, and parallel to it draw a small piece of a second line, and continue this in as straight a line as we can, the two lines will meet when we proceed in either direction one-quarter of the way around the sphere. For our "flat-land" people these lines would both be perfectly straight, because the only curvature would be in the direction downward, which they could never either perceive or discover. The lines would also correspond to the definition of straight lines, because any portion of either contained between two of its points would be the shortest distance between those points. And yet, if these people should extend their measures far enough, they would find any two parallel lines to meet in two points in opposite directions. For all small spaces the axioms of their geometry would apparently hold good, but when they came to spaces as immense as the semi-diameter of the earth, they would find the seemingly absurd result that two parallel lines would, in the course of thousands of miles, come together. Another result yet more astonishing would be that, going ahead far enough in a straight line, they would find that although they had been going forward all the time in what seemed to them the same direction, they would at the end of 25,000 miles find themselves once more at their starting-point.
One form of the modern non-Euclidian geometry assumes that a similar theorem is true for the space in which our universe is contained. Although two straight lines, when continued indefinitely, do not appear to converge even at the immense distances which separate us from the fixed stars, it is possible that there may be a point at which they would eventually meet without either line having deviated from its primitive direction as we understand the case. It would follow that, if we could start out from the earth and fly through space in a perfectly straight line with a velocity perhaps millions of times that of light, we might at length find ourselves approaching the earth from a direction the opposite of that in which we started. Our straight-line circle would be complete.
Another result of the theory is that, if it be true, space, though still unbounded, is not infinite, just as the surface of a sphere, though without any edge or boundary, has only a limited extent of surface. Space would then have only a certain volume--a volume which, though perhaps greater than that of all the atoms in the material universe, would still be capable of being expressed in cubic miles. If we imagine our earth to grow larger and larger in every direction without limit, and with a speed similar to that we have described, so that to-morrow it was large enough to extend to the nearest fixed stars, the day after to yet farther stars, and so on, and we, living upon it, looked out for the result, we should, in time, see the other side of the earth above us, coming down upon us? as it were. The space intervening would grow smaller, at last being filled up. The earth would then be so expanded as to fill all existing space.
This, although to us the most interesting form of the non-Euclidian geometry, is not the only one. The idea which Lobatchewsky worked out was that through a point more than one parallel to a given line could be drawn; that is to say, if through the point P we have already supposed another line were drawn making ever so small an angle with CD, this line also would never meet the line AB. It might approach the latter at first, but would eventually diverge. The two lines AB and CD, starting parallel, would eventually, perhaps at distances greater than that of the fixed stars, gradually diverge from each other. This system does not admit of being shown by analogy so easily as the other, but an idea of it may be had by supposing that the surface of "flat-land," instead of being spherical, is saddle-shaped. Apparently straight parallel lines drawn upon it would then diverge, as supposed by Bolyai. We cannot, however, imagine such a surface extended indefinitely without losing its properties. The analogy is not so clearly marked as in the other case.
To explain hypergeometry proper we must first set forth what a fourth dimension of space means, and show how natural the way is by which it may be approached. We continue our analogy from "flat-land" In this supposed land let us make a cross--two straight lines intersecting at right angles. The inhabitants of this land understand the cross perfectly, and conceive of it just as we do. But let us ask them to draw a third line, intersecting in the same point, and perpendicular to both the other lines. They would at once pronounce this absurd and impossible. It is equally absurd and impossible to us if we require the third line to be drawn on the paper. But we should reply, "If you allow us to leave the paper or flat surface, then we can solve the problem by simply drawing the third line through the paper perpendicular to its surface."
Now, to pursue the analogy, suppose that, after we have drawn three mutually perpendicular lines, some being from another sphere proposes to us the drawing of a fourth line through the same point, perpendicular to all three of the lines already there. We should answer him in the same way that the inhabitants of "flat-land" answered us: "The problem is impossible. You cannot draw any such line in space as we understand it." If our visitor conceived of the fourth dimension, he would reply to us as we replied to the "flat-land" people: "The problem is absurd and impossible if you confine your line to space as you understand it. But for me there is a fourth dimension in space. Draw your line through that dimension, and the problem will be solved. This is perfectly simple to me; it is impossible to you solely because your conceptions do not admit of more than three dimensions."
Supposing the inhabitants of "flat-land" to be intellectual beings as we are, it would be interesting to them to be told what dwellers of space in three dimensions could do. Let us pursue the analogy by showing what dwellers in four dimensions might do. Place a dweller of "flat-land" inside a circle drawn on his plane, and ask him to step outside of it without breaking through it. He would go all around, and, finding every inch of it closed, he would say it was impossible from the very nature of the conditions. "But," we would reply, "that is because of your limited conceptions. We can step over it."
"Step over it!" he would exclaim. "I do not know what that means. I can pass around anything if there is a way open, but I cannot imagine what you mean by stepping over it."
But we should simply step over the line and reappear on the other side. So, if we confine a being able to move in a fourth dimension in the walls of a dungeon of which the sides, the floor, and the ceiling were all impenetrable, he would step outside of it without touching any part of the building, just as easily as we could step over a circle drawn on the plane without touching it. He would simply disappear from our view like a spirit, and perhaps reappear the next moment outside the prison. To do this he would only have to make a little excursion in the fourth dimension.
Another curious application of the principle is more purely geometrical. We have here two triangles, of which the sides and angles of the one are all equal to corresponding sides and angles of the other. Euclid takes it for granted that the one triangle can be laid upon the other so that the two shall fit together. But this cannot be done unless we lift one up and turn it over. In the geometry of "flat-land" such a thing as lifting up is inconceivable; the two triangles could never be fitted together.
Now let us suppose two pyramids similarly related. All the faces and angles of the one correspond to the faces and angles of the other. Yet, lift them about as we please, we could never fit them together. If we fit the bases together the two will lie on opposite sides, one being below the other. But the dweller in four dimensions of space will fit them together without any trouble. By the mere turning over of one he will convert it into the other without any change whatever in the relative position of its parts. What he could do with the pyramids he could also do with one of us if we allowed him to take hold of us and turn a somersault with us in the fourth dimension. We should then come back into our natural space, but changed as if we were seen in a mirror. Everything on us would be changed from right to left, even the seams in our clothes, and every hair on our head. All this would be done without, during any of the motion, any change having occurred in the positions of the parts of the body.
It is very curious that, in these transcendental speculations, the most rigorous mathematical methods correspond to the most mystical ideas of the Swedenborgian and other forms of religion. Right around us, but in a direction which we cannot conceive any more than the inhabitants of "flat-land" can conceive up and down, there may exist not merely another universe, but any number of universes. All that physical science can say against the supposition is that, even if a fourth dimension exists, there is some law of all the matter with which we are acquainted which prevents any of it from entering that dimension, so that, in our natural condition, it must forever remain unknown to us.
Another possibility in space of four dimensions would be that of turning a hollow sphere, an india-rubber ball, for example, inside out by simple bending without tearing it. To show the motion in our space to which this is analogous, let us take a thin, round sheet of india-rubber, and cut out all the central part, leaving only a narrow ring round the border. Suppose the outer edge of this ring fastened down on a table, while we take hold of the inner edge and stretch it upward and outward over the outer edge until we flatten the whole ring on the table, upside down, with the inner edge now the outer one. This motion would be as inconceivable in "flat-land" as turning the ball inside out is to us.
THE ORGANIZATION OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
The claims of scientific research on the public were never more forcibly urged than in Professor Ray Lankester's recent Romanes Lecture before the University of Oxford. Man is here eloquently pictured as Nature's rebel, who, under conditions where his great superior commands "Thou shalt die," replies "I will live." In pursuance of this determination, civilized man has proceeded so far in his interference with the regular course of Nature that he must either go on and acquire firmer control of the conditions, or perish miserably by the vengeance certain to be inflicted on the half-hearted meddler in great affairs. This rebel by every step forward renders himself liable to greater and greater penalties, and so cannot afford to pause or fail in one single step. One of Nature's most powerful agencies in thwarting his determination to live is found in disease-producing parasites. "Where there is one man of first-rate intelligence now employed in gaining knowledge of this agency, there should be a thousand. It should be as much the purpose of civilized nations to protect their citizens in this respect as it is to provide defence against human aggression."
It was no part of the function of the lecturer to devise a plan for carrying on the great war he proposes to wage. The object of the present article is to contribute some suggestions in this direction; with especial reference to conditions in our own country; and no better text can be found for a discourse on the subject than the preceding quotation. In saying that there should be a thousand investigators of disease where there is now one, I believe that Professor Lankester would be the first to admit that this statement was that of an ideal to be aimed at, rather than of an end to be practically reached. Every careful thinker will agree that to gather a body of men, young or old, supply them with laboratories and microscopes, and tell them to investigate disease, would be much like sending out an army without trained leaders to invade an enemy's country.
There is at least one condition of success in this line which is better fulfilled in our own country than in any other; and that is liberality of support on the part of munificent citizens desirous of so employing their wealth as to promote the public good. Combining this instrumentality with the general public spirit of our people, it must be admitted that, with all the disadvantages under which scientific research among us has hitherto labored, there is still no country to which we can look more hopefully than to our own as the field in which the ideal set forth by Professor Lankester is to be pursued. Some thoughts on the question how scientific research may be most effectively promoted in our own country through organized effort may therefore be of interest. Our first step will be to inquire what general lessons are to be learned from the experience of the past.
The first and most important of these lessons is that research has never reached its highest development except at centres where bodies of men engaged in it have been brought together, and stimulated to action by mutual sympathy and support. We must call to mind that, although the beginnings of modern science were laid by such men as Copernicus, Galileo, Leonardo da Vinci, and Torricelli, before the middle of the seventeenth century, unbroken activity and progress date from the foundations of the Academy of Sciences of Paris and the Royal Society of London at that time. The historic fact that the bringing of men together, and their support by an intelligent and interested community, is the first requirement to be kept in view can easily be explained. Effective research involves so intricate a network of problems and considerations that no one engaged in it can fail to profit by the suggestions of kindred spirits, even if less acquainted with the subject than he is himself. Intelligent discussion suggests new ideas and continually carries the mind to a higher level of thought. We must not regard the typical scientific worker, even of the highest class, as one who, having chosen his special field and met with success in cultivating it, has only to be supplied with the facilities he may be supposed to need in order to continue his work in the most efficient way. What we have to deal with is not a fixed and permanent body of learned men, each knowing all about the field of work in which he is engaged, but a changing and growing class, constantly recruited by beginners at the bottom of the scale, and constantly depleted by the old dropping away at the top. No view of the subject is complete which does not embrace the entire activity of the investigator, from the tyro to the leader. The leader himself, unless engaged in the prosecution of some narrow specialty, can rarely be so completely acquainted with his field as not to need information from others. Without this, he is constantly liable to be repeating what has already been better done than he can do it himself, of following lines which are known to lead to no result, and of adopting methods shown by the experience of others not to be the best. Even the books and published researches to which he must have access may be so voluminous that he cannot find time to completely examine them for himself; or they may be inaccessible. All this will make it clear that, with an occasional exception, the best results of research are not to be expected except at centres where large bodies of men are brought into close personal contact.
In addition to the power and facility acquired by frequent discussion with his fellows, the appreciation and support of an intelligent community, to whom the investigator may, from time to time, make known his thoughts and the results of his work, add a most effective stimulus. The greater the number of men of like minds that can be brought together and the larger the community which interests itself in what they are doing, the more rapid will be the advance and the more effective the work carried on. It is thus that London, with its munificently supported institutions, and Paris and Berlin, with their bodies of investigators supported either by the government or by various foundations, have been for more than three centuries the great centres where we find scientific activity most active and most effective. Looking at this undoubted fact, which has asserted itself through so long a period, and which asserts itself today more strongly than ever, the writer conceives that there can be no question as to one proposition. If we aim at the single object of promoting the advance of knowledge in the most effective way, and making our own country the leading one in research, our efforts should be directed towards bringing together as many scientific workers as possible at a single centre, where they can profit in the highest degree by mutual help, support, and sympathy.
In thus strongly setting forth what must seem an indisputable conclusion, the writer does not deny that there are drawbacks to such a policy, as there are to every policy that can be devised aiming at a good result. Nature offers to society no good that she does not accompany by a greater or less measure of evil The only question is whether the good outweighs the evil. In the present case, the seeming evil, whether real or not, is that of centralization. A policy tending in this direction is held to be contrary to the best interests of science in quarters entitled to so much respect that we must inquire into the soundness of the objection.
It would be idle to discuss so extreme a question as whether we shall take all the best scientific investigators of our country from their several seats of learning and attract them to some one point. We know that this cannot be done, even were it granted that success would be productive of great results. The most that can be done is to choose some existing centre of learning, population, wealth, and influence, and do what we can to foster the growth of science at that centre by attracting thither the greatest possible number of scientific investigators, especially of the younger class, and making it possible for them to pursue their researches in the most effective way. This policy would not result in the slightest harm to any institution or community situated elsewhere. It would not be even like building up a university to outrank all the others of our country; because the functions of the new institution, if such should be founded, would in its relations to the country be radically different from those of a university. Its primary object would not be the education of youth, but the increase of knowledge. So far as the interests of any community or of the world at large are concerned, it is quite indifferent where knowledge may be acquired, because, when once acquired and made public, it is free to the world. The drawbacks suffered by other centres would be no greater than those suffered by our Western cities, because all the great departments of the government are situated at a single distant point. Strong arguments could doubtless be made for locating some of these departments in the Far West, in the Mississippi Valley, or in various cities of the Atlantic coast; but every one knows that any local advantages thus gained would be of no importance compared with the loss of that administrative efficiency which is essential to the whole country.
There is, therefore, no real danger from centralization. The actual danger is rather in the opposite direction; that the sentiment against concentrating research will prove to operate too strongly. There is a feeling that it is rather better to leave every investigator where he chances to be at the moment, a feeling which sometimes finds expression in the apothegm that we cannot transplant a genius. That such a proposition should find acceptance affords a striking example of the readiness of men to accept a euphonious phrase without inquiring whether the facts support the doctrine which it enunciates. The fact is that many, perhaps the majority, of the great scientific investigators of this and of former times have done their best work through being transplanted. As soon as the enlightened monarchs of Europe felt the importance of making their capitals great centres of learning, they began to invite eminent men of other countries to their own. Lagrange was an Italian transplanted to Paris, as a member of the Academy of Sciences, after he had shown his powers in his native country. His great contemporary, Euler, was a Swiss, transplanted first to St. Petersburg, then invited by Frederick the Great to become a member of the Berlin Academy, then again attracted to St. Petersburg. Huyghens was transplanted from his native country to Paris. Agassiz was an exotic, brought among us from Switzerland, whose activity during the generation he passed among us was as great and effective as at any time of his life. On the Continent, outside of France, the most eminent professors in the universities have been and still are brought from distant points. So numerous are the cases of which these are examples that it would be more in accord with the facts to claim that it is only by transplanting a genius that we stimulate him to his best work.
Having shown that the best results can be expected only by bringing into contact as many scientific investigators as possible, the next question which arises is that of their relations to one another. It may be asked whether we shall aim at individualism or collectivism. Shall our ideal be an organized system of directors, professors, associates, assistants, fellows; or shall it be a collection of individual workers, each pursuing his own task in the way he deems best, untrammelled by authority?
The reply to this question is that there is in this special case no antagonism between the two ideas. The most effective organization will aim both at the promotion of individual effort, and at subordination and co-operation. It would be a serious error to formulate any general rule by which all cases should be governed. The experience of the past should be our guide, so far as it applies to present and future conditions; but in availing ourselves of it we must remember that conditions are constantly changing, and must adapt our policy to the problems of the future. In doing this, we shall find that different fields of research require very different policies as regards co-operation and subordination. It will be profitable to point out those special differences, because we shall thereby gain a more luminous insight into the problems which now confront the scientific investigator, and better appreciate their variety, and the necessity of different methods of dealing with them.
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