SECTION CCXLVII.. History of Population.--Number of Births and Deaths.

HISTORY OF POPULATION.--NUMBER OF BIRTHS AND DEATHS.

There is found to be in most states, where a decrease in mortality has been observed, a diminished number of births likewise.[247-1] This, indeed, happens necessarily only in the case in which the means of subsistence either do not increase at all, or in a less degree than mortality has decreased. Thus, towards the end of the 18th century, Norway was the country where the increase and decrease of the population were most remarkable for their smallness. There was only one death between 1775 and 1784 for every 48 living persons; but, at the same time, only one marriage for every 130 living.[247-2] The organization of labor was so little developed among the Norwegians, especially in the absence of important cities, the industries of which might have been able to absorb the surplus population, that almost every one of its inhabitants was in a condition to calculate in advance whether or not he would have enough to support a family. A person born in the country remained generally in his native village all his life. To found a family he had either to own a peasant's estate himself or wait until one of the day laborer's huts (Kathe), of which there were several attached to each such estate, was vacant. A too large family would certainly have died of hunger in the winter time. The clear sober sense of the people recognized this fact, and all the farm houses of the peasants were without any appreciable injury to morality filled with unmarried servants of both sexes who were, indeed, supplied with clothes and food but who at the same time were indolent and incapable of advancement.[247-3] Where a nation's economy is rapidly advancing, there is no necessity why the most natural and when properly directed the most beneficent human impulse should be sacrificed to a higher average duration of life. But if this must be, when the distribution of the national resources is pretty nearly equal, it is not so much the number of marriages as the average fruitfulness of marriages that will diminish; that is as many persons as before may enter the married state but most of them are obliged either to postpone doing so until a later age, which places a greater interval between generation and generation, and causes the number of those living at any one time to decrease; or they cease to procreate children at an earlier period in their married life. The latter is found especially in France.[247-4] [247-5] But, on the other hand, where the distribution of the national resources is very unequal, the rich may afterwards as well as before continue to follow out their inclination to marry at as early a day and age as they wish; but the less fortunate must remain unmarried through life. Here, therefore, the average number of children to a marriage does not diminish; but the aggregate number of marriages does.[247-6] If the relative frequency of marriages in most European countries has diminished during the last century, the cause has been in part directly the long duration of life of married couples. Hence, we are not always warranted in consequence, to infer a diminished number of existing marriages.[247-7]

In many countries, it has been recently observed that the average number of persons to a family is a decreasing one. Thus for, instance, in 1840, in Holland, there were to every hundred families 497 persons, in 1850, only 481; in Saxony, in 1832, 460; in 1840, only 443; in Bavaria, in 1827, 480, in 1846, only 448. In cities also the average size of families is usually smaller than in the country.[247-8] This is intimately connected with this other fact that in the higher stages of civilization a larger number of independent households consists of single persons in contradistinction to married couples.[247-9] [247-10]

In 1801-1805, on every 30.9 living. In 1806-1810, " 31.6 " In 1811-1815, " 41.5 " In 1816-1820, " 31.6 " In 1821-1825, " 32.1 " In 1826-1830, " 33.0 " In 1831-1836, " 34.0 " In 1846-1850, " 37.8 " In 1851-1854, " 37.88 " In 1860-1864, " 37.56 "]

Column Head Key: A - In Belgium 1841-50. B - In the purely Flemish provinces. C - In the purely Wallonic provinces. D - Sweden 1831-35._ ============================================================== | A | B | C | D -------------+-------+-------+-------+------------------------ | per | per | per | | 1,000 | 1,000 | 1,000 | Before their 21st year | 56 | 32 | 74 |{ 359 per 1,000 males. From 22 to | | | |{ 25 years | 219 | 181 | 259 |{ 463 per 1,000 females.

From 26 to | | | |{458 males, 387 females, 35 years | 503 | 511 | 490 |{ per 1,000.

From 36 to | | | | 45 years | 161 | 191 | 129 |{ 183 per 1,000 males. After their | | | |{ 45th year | 61 | 75 | 48 |{ 150 per 1,000 females. ==============================================================

But it must not be overlooked here, that the Flemish provinces of Belgium had been for a long time in a sad economic condition. (Horn, Studien, I, 75 ff.) No less characteristic of the well-being of a people and their providence in entering into the married state is the relative age at which they contract marriage. If we divide ages into four classes (up to the 30th year, between 31 and 45, between 46 and 60, and after 60), we find, for instance, that from 1841 to 1845, there were in West Flanders 585 per 1,000 marriages between persons of the same age-class, 305 in which the husband, and 110 in which the wife belonged to an older class; in Namur, on the other hand, 683, 234 and 83. In dear years, the relative number of marriages between persons belonging to different age-classes, and the relative difference in age of parties to the marriage contract increases.

And so, the frequency of second marriages of widows and widowers is no favorable symptom of the facility of founding a family. Naturally every woman prefers a man who was never married before to a widower; and every man a maiden to a widow; but where there is a want of room to establish a new household, the possession of such one by a widower may readily preponderate over all counter considerations. Thus, for instance, in the Flemish provinces of Belgium, of 1,000 widowers, from 365 to 395 marry again; in the Wallonic, only from 293 to 308. Of 1,000 brides, 98 are widows in West Flanders, and in Namur, 41. A similar proportion in Bavaria between the Palatinate and the hither-districts. (Hermann, Bewegung der Bevölkerung in Bayern, p. 14.) The less the frequency of marriage in general, the greater is the relative probability of second marriage for widows and widowers; and hence, in years of scarcity, the latter relatively increase. (Horn, Studien, I, 201 ff.) Sometimes this increase is absolute: in Austria, during the cheap year 1852, there were 231,900 marriages between persons never before married, and 85,000 in which at least one of the contracting parties had been married before. On the other hand, during the dear year 1855, there were only 156,000 of the former and 89,000 of the latter. Something analogous, observed in antiquity. (Pausan., II, 21, 8; X, 38, 6; Propert., II, 11, 36.) Tacitus, Germ., 19, describes the moral feelings of the ancient Germans as averse to the second marriage of widows, and he apparently approves it.]

============================================================ | Yearly per 100 | | inhabitants. | Women who marry In +------------------------+ before their 25th |Marriages.| Births. | year. --------------+------------+-----------+-------------------- Brittany, | 7.0 | 29.8 | 42.7 per cent. Adour, | 6.9 | 25.0 | 47.3 " Lower Garonne,| 8.3 | 22.0 | 59.7 " Upper Seine | 8.0 | 23.7 | 60.0 " ============================================================

That, however, the shorter duration and smaller fruitfulness of marriage by no means necessarily accompany one another, France also proves, since it possesses the longer average duration of marriage: 26.4 years against 20.7 in Prussia. (Wappäus, II, 311, 315.)]