Part 16

The statisticians who seem to be employed by some propaganda to prove by figures that prosperity prevails, point exultantly to the fact that the wages of the working people seem constantly to have increased while prices are falling, and they cite this to prove that low prices are consistent with prosperity. They leave entirely out of the account the large numbers of workmen who of necessity are relegated to idleness on account of the lack of profit in business.

If you go into the workshops of any large manufacturing enterprise, while prices are low and lowering, and ask the managers what they now do when a strike occurs among the workmen, they will tell you they find it impossible to shut down, because they have contracts extending through time that they must fill, but, they add, "We pay the wages demanded and we reduce the number of the employed."

If there are a thousand workmen employed, getting $2 each per day, that would be a wage fund of $2,000 a day. If, when prices fall and business becomes dull, the employer should want to reduce the pay of each workman to $1.50 a day, and if the workmen, by striking, should prevent that decrease, and if, then, 25 per cent. of their number should be discharged, the loss to the working class, as a body, and to the community at large, would be the same as though the wages were reduced to $1.50 a day. Until these people who present statistics can show us how many laborers are left out of employment there is no possibility of arriving at any correct conclusion as to what the wage fund is and how much wages are paid.

The loss to society is much greater when 25 per cent. of the people are unemployed than if all continued at work upon a 25 per cent. reduction of wages, because the relegation to idleness of 25 per cent. of the workmen reduces the producing force, and lessens correspondingly the aggregate annual production.

THE INTEREST OF THE MINING STATES IN THE REMONETIZATION OF SILVER.

Those who in the Senate and in the other House of Congress, represent mining constituencies are taunted with the selfish purpose of advancing the interests of their own States at the expense of those of the country. It is sought to discredit the State which I have the honor in part to represent on this floor, on the ground that the people, being largely silver miners, have a personal interest in the remonetization of silver.

The silver miners, Mr. President, need no defense here or elsewhere. They have asked no favors from the Government, and ask none now. They are bold, adventurous, and self-reliant men, who have wandered across alkaline deserts, and over pathless mountains, braved the assaults of hostile savages, the miasma of the Isthmus and the storms of the Cape, and have planted the flag of a high civilization on the western confines of this Republic. No more patriotic or public-spirited class of citizens can be found within the borders of the Union. Their business is an honorable one. When they entered upon it they, in common with other citizens, had the warrant of time, and the authority of all writers and thinkers on political economy, for the belief that silver was, and would ever be, a money metal, entitled to that full credit which from time immemorial had been accorded to it. Silver, equally with gold, had been consecrated by all the ages to the money use, and was dedicated to such use by the Constitution of the United States.

When the Constitution declared that Congress should have power "to coin money and regulate the value thereof" and that "no State shall * * * make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts," it warranted the belief on the part of all who adopted the calling and undertook the business of mining, that gold and silver would continue to be money metals in the sense in which they had been for thousands of years in the past. The silver miners were warranted in presuming that when the Constitution esteemed so highly the legal-tender function in the two metals, gold and silver, as that it prohibited the States from making anything a legal tender except coin of those two metals, it would not warrant the Congress of the United States in taking from one of those metals the power of legal tender and conferring that imperial function exclusively on the other. Silver mining is a business requiring for its successful prosecution skill, experience, and energy, while nine-tenths of the gold of the world has come from placers; requiring neither organization, capital, nor skilled labor.

The production of gold is much more a matter of accident and much more liable to fluctuation than is the case with silver. The silver miners therefore had a right to believe that so long as 23.22 grains of pure gold should be entitled to recognition as one dollar, 371.25 grains of pure silver would continue to be entitled to like recognition as one dollar, and would possess the legal-tender function as such, for the liquidation of all debts, public and private. On the strength of this warranty of the Constitution, and of the unbroken experience of the ages, large sums of money were invested in mining property and in the employment of labor to develop the mines of the country. On the strength of this belief and conviction, shared in by all the people of the United States, that gold and silver would both remain the money metals of the world, debts to an enormous extent were incurred, and it was confidently believed that both metals would for all time be available for the payment of those debts.

The silver-miners had learned from the history of mining, as well as from hard and bitter experience, that the mines might at any moment cease to yield, in which case their occupation would be gone and the capital invested would be a total loss. But they did not suppose that the verdict of all time would be reversed, or that the implied warranty of the Constitution of the United States would be disregarded. They did not believe that either one of the money metals would ever be demonetized. And if a doubt had entered their minds on that subject, they would naturally suppose that gold rather than silver would be demonetized, gold being too limited in quantity to answer alone the purposes of money in a rapidly advancing civilization; its yield being uncertain and capricious and the prospect of a continued and sufficient supply becoming less from year to year.

But, Mr. President, the degree of special interest which the mining States have in this measure is not to be compared with that of the other States of the Union.

According to the report of the Director of the Mint, the total quantity of silver produced in the United States in the eleven years from 1878 to 1888 inclusive was 406,210,000 fine ounces. According to the same authority the commercial value of that silver was $436,260,000, and the coinage value $525,145,000. A very simple process of arithmetic shows that the difference between the commercial and the coinage value of that silver was $88,885,000, or an average of $8,080,544 each year. Assuming that amount to have been the annual difference between the coinage and commercial value of silver for the five years preceding 1878, we must add to the $88,885,000 the sum of $40,402,220, making a total of $129,287,220 as the amount which the silver miners, not of Nevada but of the whole United States in the seventeen years ending 1889, lost by the demonetization of silver.

Having thus demonstrated in dollars and cents the degree of selfishness which, as is charged, is the motive of the miners in advocating the remonetization of silver, let us glance at the degree of selfishness which may be said to impel other classes of the community to advocate the same cause.

THE INTEREST OF THE NON-MINING STATES IN REMONETIZATION.

The price of cotton for the year 1873, in gold or silver (then of equal power), was 16.4 cents per pound. The price in 1889 was 9.9 cents.

The yield of cotton for 1889 was 7,000,000 bales, or 3,500,000,000 pounds.

Had not silver been demonetized that cotton would have brought as good a price to-day as it did in 1873. At the price of 1873 the account would have stood 3,500,000,000 pounds, at 16.4 cents, $574,000,000. At the price of 1889 the account stands 3,500,000,000 pounds, at 9.9 cents, $345,500,000, showing a loss in debt-paying and tax-paying power on cotton alone (only one article of merchandise) in the single year 1889, by reason of the fall in prices caused by the demonetization of silver, of $227,500,000.

Having shown that the loss to the silver miners by the discount on silver for the seventeen years from 1873 to 1889 was less than $130,000,000, it will be seen that the loss in one single year to the cotton planters of the United States is greater by $90,000,000 than the total loss for the entire seventeen years to the silver miners of the country.

But inasmuch as the cotton crop of 1889 was exceptionally large, I will, for the purpose of my computation, discard it, and assume instead that an average yield for the years between 1873 and 1889 would be 5,000,000 bales per annum--which is a fair average and by no means high--5,000,000 bales, of 500 pounds each, are equal to 2,500,000,000 pounds.

At the price of 1873 the result of each year would be 2,500,000,000 pounds, at 16.4 cents, $410,000,000.

According to the figures given by the Bureau of Statistics the average price received each year of the seventeen was 13.1 cents per pound; 2,500,000,000 pounds, at 13.1 cents per pound, equal $327,000,000, showing a difference of $83,000,000; that being the average each separate year for seventeen years, or a total sum for the entire period of $1,411,000,000, which represents the loss in debt- and tax-paying power suffered by the cotton planters by reason of the demonetization of silver.

This is the enormous tribute which has been exacted of the cotton industry of this country in behalf of the gold "standard," and of those who, for their own pecuniary advantage, cunningly induced the Congress of the United States to demonetize silver. This is the sum which the planters of this country have lost in debt-paying and tax-paying power by that mad act of folly. As will be seen at a glance, it is a loss vastly in excess of that suffered by the silver States in the discount on the price of silver bullion.

So that, if the silver miners are taunted with having a personal interest in the success of the movement for the full remonetization of silver, the cotton planter must be placed in the same category, and with ten-fold more reason.

A like computation with regard to wheat will show a loss in debt-paying and tax-paying power of not less than $100,000,000 a year to the farmers of the North and West, by reason of the demonetization of silver--a total of $1,700,000,000 in the article of wheat alone in seventeen years.

Thus a loss, wholly unnecessary, of more than $3,000,000,000 in debt-paying and tax-paying power is shown to have been inflicted on the farmers and cotton planters of this country.

In comparison with this enormous loss to farmers and planters, how paltry is the loss of $8,000,000 a year suffered by the silver miners.

But, however large the direct loss to the debtors and to the country by reason of falling prices, the losses that are indirect are of infinitely greater magnitude, and stand out like a great mountain of wrong superimposed upon the most deserving class in the community, whose interests it should be the paramount duty of Government to protect, a wrong more calamitous in its consequences than any of the multitudinous wrongs which a shrinking volume of money inflicts upon society.

THE ENORMOUS LOSS OF POTENTIAL WEALTH THROUGH INVOLUNTARY IDLENESS.