CHAPTER XIV.. Progress of Shipping—_thetis_, West Indiaman—a

Progress of shipping—Thetis, West Indiaman—A “Free-trader”—Internal economy—Provisioning and manning—Shipping the crew—Crimps and agents—Duties on departure of ship—Watches—Duties of the Master,—Who has control over navigation—Making and shortening sail—Tacking, etc.—Ordinary day’s work, how arranged—Right of the Master over the cabin—Authority and usages in the English, Dutch, and Prussian marine—Danish and Norwegian system—Duties of Chief Mate—His duties in port—Tacking “’bout ship”—Reefing topsails—Log-book—Mate successor in law to the Master—Mode of address to Chief and Second Mates—Duties of Second Mate—Ordinary day’s work—Care of spare rigging—Stores—Third Mate—His general duties—Carpenter—Sail-maker—Steward—Cook—Able seamen, their duties—Division of their labour—Duties of ordinary seamen—Boys or apprentices—Bells—Helm—“Tricks” at the helm—Relieving duty—Orders at the wheel—Repeating of orders at wheel—Conversation not allowed while on duty—Colliers.

The close of the great European war, combined with the opening of the trade to the East Indies, and other causes of minor importance, produced various and somewhat important changes among the merchant vessels of all nations. The greatly extended field for maritime commerce, and the competition which arose, obliged the shipowners of different countries, among whom those of the United States, towards the close of the period to which we now refer, took the lead, to pay more attention than they had hitherto done to the combination of capacity with speed, and greater economy in the navigation of their vessels. Attention also began to be directed to the substitution, as far as practicable, of mechanical skill for manual labour. They saw that the ships of the East India Company, however magnificent, were not adapted to compete successfully or profitably in an unprotected trade. That of the British West Indies, which had ever been open to the free competition of British shipowners among themselves, had given a greater scope for improvement in these respects than the protected trade of the East; consequently in the trade with the West we find, at a comparatively early period of the present century, a class of vessels much better adapted for competition than any of the vessels in the service of the East India Company. An illustration of one of these, copied from Mr. Cooke’s interesting sketches, will be found on the opposite page.

Though the Thetis is somewhat modern, she is a fair representation of the type of vessels which had long been employed by the enterprising merchants, more especially of Bristol and Liverpool, in their trade with the West Indies. Unlike the vessels in the service of the East India Company, her capacity for cargo was considerably in excess of her registered tonnage, and her complement of crew less than one-half in proportion to her tonnage. Nor were these vessels inferior to them, either in speed or other sea-going qualities, though they too were greatly surpassed by those of a later period, their owners as yet understanding but imperfectly the advantages derived by increasing the length of their vessels in proportion to the breadth.

Hitherto vessels, for instance, of twenty-five feet beam, seldom exceeded one hundred feet in length, keel and forerake, and although the Americans, in their once famous “Baltimore clippers,” set the example of increasing the length to five, and even to six times the breadth of the beam, it was not until the English were thrown into competition with the shipowners of that nation, in every branch of their carrying trade, that they were induced, or rather obliged, to adopt, in this respect, the improved models of their enterprising transatlantic competitors.

After the trade to the East Indies had been thrown open, a number of vessels, ranging from three hundred and fifty to seven hundred tons register, were built. They were not, however, exclusively employed in the trade with the East, but were free to seek employment wherever they could obtain the most remunerative returns, and were to be found in all parts of the world in search of freight. An illustration of one of these vessels, known as Free-Traders, will be found on the following page.

As sailing vessels of this description, in which we may include all classes, from the Indiaman to the collier, are now in various branches of trade being fast superseded by steam, and by the great changes which the improvements of later years have created, we should ill perform the duty we have undertaken did we not, though at the risk of wearying our readers with detail, leave a record, however imperfect, of the internal economy of the ordinary merchant vessels of a generation now rapidly passing away, and attempt to furnish an account of the various duties and responsibilities of the master, officers, and seamen, as they existed prior to the passing of the Merchant Shipping Act. No special code then existed, either in Great Britain or the United States, for the maintenance of discipline, or the provisioning and treatment of the crews of trading vessels when beyond the jurisdiction of the Admiralty; but certain usages were, as a rule, recognised by the courts of justice. In the marine of the United States discipline was more stringent, and distinctions of rank more rigorously enforced than in that of England.

But there was a great difference in different ports, among different owners, as to the part the master was to take in supplying and manning the vessel. In most cases the owner put on board all the stores, furnishing the master with directions, sometimes in writing, as to the manner in which he should dispense them, the directions being more or less liberal, according to the character of the owner. In other cases these details were left to the master’s discretion, who generally gave the owner an inventory of all the stores and provisions he thought necessary for the use of the crew and the navigation of the ship.

In the engagement of the seamen various modes prevailed. In most cases the whole arrangement was left to shipping masters, who were paid so much a head for each man they engaged, and were responsible for their appearance on board at the time of sailing. The crews were generally assembled by them two or three days, sometimes only one day, before the ship sailed; neither the master nor owner, too frequently, knowing anything of the men before the vessel went to sea. Occasionally the seaman saw the ship before he joined her, but often not. In Liverpool, however, when the men were unable to obtain employment for themselves, they registered their names at an office opened for that purpose, whence the captain chose his crew. Moreover, it was no uncommon thing to see them taken to the ship’s side in cartloads, in such a state of intoxication that they were unable to walk on board. Riggers generally had charge of the vessel up to that time. In London the practice for owners of vessels going on voyages round the Cape of Good Hope or Cape Horn was to employ an agent, familiarly known as a “crimp,” who engaged the greater part of the crew. If ten or twenty men were wanted, perhaps double that number were brought on board, out of which the chief mate selected a sufficient company; the agent receiving a note for two months’ wages, a portion of which he had generally advanced previously to the seamen, either in cash or in slops, and also 5s., his procuration fee. When the agents or crimps, who were too frequently of questionable character, saw that the seamen had signed the ship’s articles in due form, they paid them the balance of the advance, taking care that another fee, varying from 5s. to 20s., was deducted from the proceeds of the notes, and that they, or their substitutes, were on board in time for sailing. In some instances the master, and occasionally the owner, if he had himself been at sea, selected the men; but a shipping master was even then needed to see them on board, and generally to complete the business.

All respectable owners not only attended to the seaworthiness and proper equipment of the ship, but were wont, in person, when they had time, though too many of them had not, or did not allow themselves the requisite time, to inspect the forecastle, to see it properly cleaned, whitewashed, or painted, and furnished with every reasonable convenience for the crew.

Everything being in readiness, the Custom-house and other regulations complied with, and the crew on board, the vessel was placed under charge of a pilot, the master having little else to do while the pilot was on board than to see everything in order, and that his commands were executed. When, however, the pilot left, the entire control and responsibility of the crew, ship, and cargo devolved upon the master. Soon after the pilot left, and when things were settled down, and in something like order, it was usual for the master, especially if the vessel was bound on a distant voyage, to call all hands aft, and briefly address them about the voyage upon which they had entered, and the respective duties they had to perform. After this the crew was divided into “watches,” in two equal parts.

In the generality of merchantmen there are but two watches—the larboard, being under the charge of the chief, and the starboard, of the second mate, the master himself not keeping watch, but coming and going at his discretion. The starboard watch is sometimes called the captain’s, no doubt from the fact that in the early days of the merchant marine, when vessels were smaller, there was but one mate, and then the master stood his own watch, as he does at present in coasters, colliers, and similar craft. In dividing the crew into watches the master usually allows the officers to choose the men, one by one, alternately; but sometimes makes the division himself, after consultation with his officers. The men are chosen as equally as possible, with reference to their qualities as able seamen, ordinary seamen, or boys; but if the number is unequal, the larboard watch claims the odd “hand,” since the chief mate does not go aloft, or do other duty on his watch, as the second mate does on his. The cook always musters with the larboard watch, and the steward with the starboard. If there is a carpenter, and the larboard watch is the larger of the two, he generally goes aloft when required with the starboard watch, otherwise with the larboard; and, as soon as the division is made, if the day’s work is over, one watch is set, and the other sent below.

Among many customs prevailing at sea which are difficult to trace to their origin, we may notice that, on the first night of the outward passage, the starboard watch takes the first four hours on deck, and on the first night of the homeward passage the larboard does the same. The sailors explain this by the old phrase, that the master takes the ship out, and the mate takes her home. The dog watches, as already explained in the case of the ships of the East India Company, are the two reliefs which take place between four and eight o’clock, P.M., each of which being only two hours on deck instead of four. The intention of these watches is to change the turn of the night watch every twenty-four hours; so that the party watching from eight to twelve one night shall succeed on the following one from midnight till four in the morning.

The master takes the bearing and distance of the last point of departure from the land; from that point the ship’s reckoning begins, and is regularly entered in the log-book, which is kept by the chief mate, the master examining and correcting the reckoning every day. The master also attends to the chronometer, azimuth-compass, and other instruments on board, and takes the altitude of the sun at mid-day, or the lunar observations, with the assistance of his officers. Every day, a few minutes before noon, if there is the least prospect of being able to get a sight of the sun, the master comes upon deck with his quadrant or sextant, and the mates usually follow his example. The second mate does not always perform this duty, but is ready to assist on Sundays, or when no other work requires his attention. As soon as the sun crosses the meridian “noon is made,” by striking eight bells, and a new nautical day commences. The reckoning is then corrected by the observation, which fixes the latitude of the ship, under the master’s superintendence. In taking the lunar observations to correct the longitude, as ascertained by the chronometer, the master is assisted by both his officers; in which case he measures the angle of the moon with the star or sun, the chief mate taking the altitude of the sun or star, and the second mate that of the moon.

In regulating the hours of duty, sleep, meals, etc., the master has absolute power; the usual times being nearly the same in all vessels. The hour for breakfast is usually seven bells in the morning (half-past seven), dinner at noon, and supper whenever the day’s work is over, generally by six o’clock. If the voyage is of long duration, the crew are, as a rule, put upon an allowance of food as well as water, the dispensing of the stores and regulating of the allowance resting, of course, with the master, though the duty of opening the casks, weighing and measuring the contents falls upon the second mate. The chief mate enters in the log-book every barrel or cask of provisions that is broached. The steward takes charge of all the provisions for the use of the cabin, and keeps them in his pantry, over which he has the direct control. The average of allowance in merchant vessels was six pounds of bread per week, three quarts of water, and one pound and a half of beef, or one and a quarter of pork a day to each man. But from want of some fixed scale of allowances in the British service, great discontent frequently arose on the part of the crews, particularly on long voyages. In coasting vessels, where the work is hard and constant, the allowance of beef and bread was generally unlimited; but a large amount of suffering was too frequently endured by the seamen on long voyages from the paucity of provisions in store, especially in merchant vessels of small size, and in particular trades. In the timber trade the practice of carrying the water and wet provisions for the ship’s company on deck frequently led to such serious consequences, that it became necessary to secure the preservation of an adequate portion of them in some part of the vessel accessible in cases of peril, so as to prevent the dreadful scenes of hunger, misery, and lingering death to which so many seamen were and are exposed from the loss of water and provisions.

The entire control of the navigation and working of the ship lies with the master. He gives the course and general directions to the officer of the watch, who enters upon a slate, at the end of his watch, the course made, and the number of knots each hour the ship has sailed, together with any other observations he may think worthy of record. The officer of the watch is at liberty to trim the yards, to make alterations in the upper sails, to take in and set royals, topgallant sails, etc.; but no important alterations can be made, such as reefing or furling the courses, or topsails, without the special order of the master, who in such cases always ought to be on deck and take the command in person. When on deck the weather-side of the quarter-deck belongs to him, and as soon as he appears the officer of the watch usually leaves it, and goes over to leeward, or forward, into the waist. If the alteration to be made is slight, the master usually tells the officer to take in or set such a sail, and leaves to him the particular orders as to the braces, sheets, etc. The principal manɶuvres of the vessel, such as tacking, wearing, reefing topsails, getting under way, and coming to anchor, require all hands. In these cases the master ought himself to take the command, and to give his orders in person, standing upon the quarter-deck. The chief mate superintends the forward part of the vessel under the master, and the second mate assists in the waist, the crew being at their respective stations. The master, except in very small vessels, never goes aloft, nor performs any work with his hands, unless at his own discretion.

In tacking and wearing, he gives all the orders as to trimming the yards, etc., though the chief mate is expected to look out for the head yards. Such is also the case in getting under way, and in coming to anchor, the master taking the entire personal control of everything, the officers acting under him in their respective stations.

In the ordinary day’s work, however, the state of things is somewhat different. Here the master does not superintend personally, but gives general instructions to the chief mate, whose duty it is to see to their execution. In order to understand this distinction, it is necessary to define the two great divisions of duty and labour on shipboard. One is the working and navigating of the vessel; that is, the keeping and ascertaining the ship’s position on the ocean, directing her course, the making and taking in sail, trimming the yards to the wind, and the various nautical manɶuvres and evolutions of a vessel. The other branch is the work done upon the hull and rigging to keep them in order, such as fitting, repairing, and tarring the rigging; all of which, together with the manufacture of “small stuffs,” to be used on board, constitute a part of “the day’s work” of the crew. As to the latter, the master usually confers with the chief mate upon the state of the vessel and rigging, and tells him, more or less in detail, what he wishes to have done. It then becomes the duty of that officer to see the work accomplished. If the master sees anything of which he disapproves, or has any preference in the modes of performing the work, he should convey his wishes to the officer, instead of giving his orders direct to the men. The Americans, as especially exhibited in every rank of their society, even where no rank is supposed to exist, complain that this considerate conduct is not sufficiently attended to in British merchant ships; and we concur in the opinion they have laid down, that a contrary course lessens the authority of the chief mate over the crew, and indirectly also the master’s own moral influence. The same remarks apply to any other work doing upon the ship or rigging; such as bending or unbending sails, knotting, splicing, serving, etc., which constitute the day’s job work of a vessel. If the chief officer is a competent man, the master in person is not expected to trouble himself with the details of any of these things; indeed, were he to do so to any extent, it would probably lead to unpleasantness and difficulty.

In the packet ships, either from Liverpool to New York, or in other important mail vessels, in which there were a considerable number of passengers, the master had still less to do with the day’s work. The navigation and working of the ship, with proper attention to his passengers, being sufficient to occupy his entire thoughts.

The master has the entire control of the cabin, and usually lives in a state-room by himself. The chief mate dines with him in the cabin, and the second mate looks out on deck while they are below, dining at the second table afterwards. In large packet-ships, however, the mates dine together, and the master looks out for the ship while they are at dinner, dining with his passengers at a later hour.

Everything of importance that occurs, as the descrying a sail, or land, or the like, must be instantly reported to the master, who has such entire control of the discipline of the ship that no subordinate officer has authority to punish a seaman, or to use any force, without the master’s order, except in cases of necessity not admitting delay. He has also the complete direction of the internal arrangements and economy of the vessel; and upon his character and the course of conduct he pursues depend in a great measure the character and success of the ship, and the conduct of the other officers and men. He has a power and an influence, both direct and indirect, which may be the means of much good and much evil. If he is profane, passionate, tyrannical, indecent, and intemperate, more or less of the same qualities will spread themselves or break out among officers and men; which would have been checked if the head of the ship had been a man of high personal character. He may make his ship almost anything he pleases, and may render the lives and duties of his officers and men pleasant and profitable to them, or may introduce disagreements, discontent, tyranny, resistance; in fact he may make the situation of every one on board as uncomfortable as can well be imagined. Every master of a vessel who lays this to heart, and considers the greatness of his responsibility, may not only be a benefactor to all those whom the course of many years’ command will bring under his authority, but may render a service to that very important part of the community to which he belongs, and do much to raise the character of the merchant navy. We have had many instances in the British mercantile marine of the variable and opposite qualifications of masters.

In the Dutch ships the qualifications for both masters and mates are considerable. Gentlemen of good families and superior education enter the merchant service of that country, and, long prior to any system of examination being established in England, the Dutch masters and mates were subjected to one.

But these examinations were confined to the officers employed in their largest description of vessels trading to India, or engaged on other distant voyages. In their coasting vessels, or galliots, of which on the following page there is an excellent illustration from Mr. Cooke’s sketches, the masters and mates were not required to pass an examination except so far as to satisfy the owners of their competency for their respective duties.

In Prussia a mate, before he is licensed, must be twenty years of age, and have been five years at sea. There are two different grades, for each of which a licence is obtained. The first qualifies him for every voyage; the second limits him to the Baltic, in vessels of any size, but not exceeding forty lasts if they trade to the Cattegat, or the Skager-rock, as far as the Naze of Norway. Captains have three grades: the first class qualifying them to navigate to any part of the world; the second restricting them to the seas of Europe, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and the Atlantic; those who have only a third-class certificate not being allowed to navigate beyond the Baltic, the Cattegat, and Skager-rock. A captain of the first class must not be less than twenty-eight years of age, and have sailed as captain of the second class for not less than two years, or as mate beyond the limits prescribed for captains of the next or lower grades. Captains of the second class are required to be twenty-four years of age, and must have sailed two years as mates of the first grade beyond the limits prescribed for a mate of the second class; and no one can be licensed as captain of the third class at a less age, and unless he has been for two years a mate of the second class. The commissioners by whom they are examined are generally shipowners, captains of vessels, and ship-builders.

Though the maritime commerce of Prussia has been chiefly confined to the Baltic and Mediterranean, and is limited in extent compared with that of nations greatly their inferior in other respects, German seamen are in no way behind those of either Norway or Holland, and their ordinary trading vessels, of which an illustration will be found on the following page, are of a substantial and useful description.

In Denmark, before any one can be licensed as a mate, he must have made two voyages to the Mediterranean, and one to the East and West Indies, besides being acquainted with the navigation of the Cattegat and the Baltic. He has also to produce certificates from the captains with whom he has previously sailed, as to his being a steady and good seaman, as well as a navigator in all its details, and not under twenty-three years of age. The qualifications for mate also qualify for captain; but before being appointed to a command he is required to become a burgher of the place where he usually resides, and to pay the fees securing him the right of citizenship. The examinations are conducted by a captain and two lieutenants of the navy.

Examinations in Norway only extend to mates, but those who are found qualified as such may command merchant vessels. Their examination is also conducted by a captain of the royal navy and two lieutenants. The practice of Sweden is somewhat similar, except that a mate, who is examined only once, is required to undergo a second examination before he becomes master.

We have seen that in all matters relating to the care or, and work done upon, the ship and rigging, the master gives general orders to the mate, who attends personally to their execution in detail. And this is practically the custom prevailing in merchant vessels of all nations.

It is the duty of the chief mate in carrying on the day’s work to find every man something to do, and to see that it is done. He appoints the second mate his work, as well as the work of each common seaman; and if the master is dissatisfied with anything, or wishes a change to be made, the orders must be given to the chief mate, so as to avoid any interference of the master with the men individually. It is likewise his duty to examine all parts of the rigging, reporting anything of importance which requires attention to the master; he must also see that there are supplies and instruments ready for every kind of labour, or for any emergency, although the more immediate care of these things, when provided, belongs to the second mate or boatswain.

In getting under way, and coming to an anchor, it is his duty to attend to the ground-tackle, and have everything ready forward for setting sail. In the former case, stationing himself on some elevated position on the forecastle where he can see the cable outside of the hawse-hole, he orders and encourages the men in their work of raising the anchor from the ground, and informs the master when he sees it is “apeak,” at the same time ordering the men aloft to loose the sails. The sails being loosed, he awaits the order from the master to have the windlass again manned, and the anchor hove up to the bow. When the vessel is under way, and there is no pilot on board, the master takes immediate control, ordering the yards to be braced and sail set, the chief mate seeing to the “catting and fishing” of the anchors.

In coming to anchor, similar duties devolve upon the chief officer, who must see the anchors and cables ready for letting go, and that spare hawsers, kedges, and warps are at hand, the master ordering how much chain is to be overhauled. As the vessel draws in towards her anchoring ground, the master gives all the orders as to trimming the yards and taking in sail, and has the entire charge of the man at the helm, it being the mate’s duty only to see that a competent seaman is there. In furling the sails the whole superintendence devolves upon the mate, who sends the men aloft, remaining in his place on deck himself, and giving his orders to them while on the yards as to the manner of furling, and seeing the ropes hauled taut, or let go on deck, as may be necessary.

These illustrations suffice to show the distinctions between the duties of a master and a mate, in the principal evolutions at sea of an ordinary moderate-sized merchant vessel. While in port the chief mate has much more the control over the vessel than when at sea. As there is no navigating or working the vessel to be attended to, the master has little to engage him, except transactions with merchants and others on shore, and the general directions as to the care of the ship. Besides the work upon the ship and rigging, while in port, the chief mate has the charge of receiving, discharging, stowing, and breaking out the cargo. In these duties he has the entire control, under the general direction of the master. It is the mate’s duty to keep an account of all the cargo as it goes in and comes out of the vessel, and, as he generally gives receipts, he is bound to use great care and accuracy. When cargo is coming in or going out he stands in the gangway to keep an account, while the second mate is in the hold with some of the crew, breaking out or stowing, he being responsible for the proper stowage and delivery of the cargo. When the master is on shore, the chief mate is necessarily commander of the ship for the time, and though the law will extend his power proportionably for cases of necessity, yet, except in instances which will not admit of delay, he must not attempt to exercise any unusual powers, but should refer everything to the master’s decision. The mate has no right, for instance, to punish a man during the master’s absence, unless it be a case in which delay would lead to serious consequences.

Neither of the mates stand watch at night when in harbour, but the chief should always be the first to be called in the morning, as it his duty to summon the men to their work, and apportion to them their respective duties. In cleaning the ship, such as washing down decks, etc., which is done the first thing in the morning, each mate, while at sea, takes charge of it in his watch, in turn, as the one or the other may have the morning watch; but in port the second mate oversees the washing down of the decks, under the chief mate’s general orders.

We have furnished, in a preceding part of this work, a specimen of the orders given, and of the language employed by masters two hundred years ago; we now give a description of an ordinary manɶuvre in the present century. While at sea, in tacking, wearing, reefing topsails, etc., and in every kind of “all-hands work,” when the master is on deck, the chief mate’s place, as we have said, is forward. In the evolution of tacking ship, the master, finding that the ship will not “lay her course,” instructs him to “see all clear for stays,” or “ready about.” The chief mate then goes forward, orders all hands to their stations, and sees everything clear and ready on the forecastle. The master asks, “All ready forward?” and being answered, “Ay, ay, sir,” motions to the man at the helm to put the wheel down, and calls out, “Helm’s alee,” to which the mate, in order to let the master know he is heard and understood, responds, “Helm’s alee,” and sees that the head sheets are let go. The master then gives the order to “raise tacks and sheets,” which is executed by the mates and the men with them, loosening all the ropes which confine the corners of the lower sails, in order that they may be more readily shifted to the other side. When the ship has turned her head directly to windward, the order is given by the master to “brace about,” turn round all the yards on the main and mizen-masts; the mate attending to the foretack, letting go the bowlines and braces on one side, and as expeditiously drawing them in on the other side, so as to wheel the yards about the masts; the lower corner of the mainsail is then, by means of its tack, pulled down to its station at the chess-tree; and all the after sails are at the same time adjusted to stand upon the other board. Finally, when the ship has fallen off five or six points, the master exclaims, “Let go and haul;” then the sails on the foremast are with great rapidity wheeled about by their braces. In this manɶuvre the mate will see to the adjustment of the fore-yards, while the master usually trims the after-yards, guiding the men at the work by such exclamations as, “Well! the main yard;” “Topsail yard, a small pull on weather braces;” “Topgallant yard, well;” so that every sail may be trimmed up sharp to the wind.

In reefing topsails, the chief mate, except in small vessels, keeps his place forward, and looks out for the men on the yards. But he sometimes goes aloft with the men in vessels of 500 or 600 tons, and takes his place at the weather earring. If both topsails are reefed at once, his place is at the main; but if one sail is reefed at a time, he leads the men from one yard to the other, in all cases taking the weather earring, acting in a similar manner when the courses require to be reefed; but he is not required, as a rule, to work with his hands, except in an emergency, like the second mate and the seamen, his time and attention being sufficiently taken up with superintending and giving orders.

The law looks upon the chief mate as standing in a different relation to the master from that of the second mate or the men. He is considered a confidential person, to whom the owners, shippers, and insurers look, in some measure, for special duties and qualifications. The master, therefore, cannot remove him from office, when abroad, except under very peculiar circumstances, and then must be able to prove his action in the matter justifiable. One of these duties which the law throws upon him, as we have shown, is the keeping of the log-book. This is a very important trust, as the record of the evidence of everything occurring during the voyage, the position of the ship, the sail she was under, the wind, and so forth, at any one given moment, may become matters of great consequence to all concerned. So it is in like manner with reference to anything that may occur between the master or officers and the crew. Each officer, at the end of his watch, not merely enters on the log-slate, which usually lies on the cabin table, or in some convenient place, the courses, distances, wind and weather during his watch, and anything worthy of note that may have occurred, but it is the duty of the chief mate once in twenty-four hours to copy from the slate the entries into the log-book, and to vouch for their accuracy, although the master usually examines it, making any corrections or observations he may consider necessary. The practice, however, of copying from the slate after it had been submitted to the master, led, in many instances, to great abuse, as the chief mate then became only the instrument of the master, and, too frequently, entered in the log-book whatever the latter might dictate. But these abuses have been remedied by the authorization, under the Merchant Shipping Act, of official logs, to which we shall refer hereafter, as well as to the numerous important changes in the merchant service of England which have since been made.

The law also makes the chief mate the successor to the master in case the latter should die, or be unable to perform the duties of his office; and this without any action on the part of the crew when at sea, or of the consignees of the vessel when in harbour abroad. It is always important, therefore, that to the practical seamanship and activity necessary for the discharge of the proper duties of his office the mate should add a sufficient knowledge of navigation, to be able to carry the ship on her voyage should anything happen to the master. In the case of a ship coming from the East Indies, there is a decision that no ship insured can be deemed seaworthy unless she have on board, at the time of sailing, a mate competent to take command of the ship in the event of the death or sickness of the master. This principle, however, can in strictness only be applied to long voyages, and a high American authority calls it in question. Both the chief and second mates are always addressed by their surnames, with the courteous prefix of “Mr.,” and are answered with the addition of “Sir.” This is a requirement of ship’s duty, and an intentional omission of such courtesies constitutes an offence against the rules and understanding of the service.

The duties of the second mate are to command the starboard watch when the master is not on deck, and to lead the crew in their work. It was not formerly deemed indispensably necessary that he should be a navigator, or even be able to keep a journal; but it is obvious that many advantages must have resulted from his being acquainted with navigation, together with a general competency to keep the log, so that he might have the chance of promotion, in the contingency of any accident happening to the chief mate, or of his removal from office. The second mate, however, does not even now, either by law or custom, necessarily succeed to the office of chief mate in the same manner that the chief mate succeeds to that of master: it lies in the discretion of the master, for the time being, to appoint whom he pleases to the office of chief mate; nevertheless, if the second mate be really fit to perform the duties of the office, he is usually appointed.

When the starboard watch alone is on deck, and the master is below, the whole of the duties devolve on the second mate, he alone being then in charge of the ship. In furling sails, the second mate also goes aloft to the topsails and courses, and takes the “bunt,” that being an important place in all such operations. He is not expected to go on the mizen topsail-yard for any service, and though, in bad weather, and in case of necessity, he would do so, yet it would be out of the usual course. He might also, in heavy weather, assist in furling the jib, but he never furls a top-gallant sail, royal, or flying-jib. In short, the fore or main-topsail and the courses are the only sails which the second mate is expected to handle, either in reefing or furling.

Although the proper place for the second mate on a yard is the bunt in furling, and at the weather earring in reefing, when the first mate is not aloft [and it is the custom to give him every chance] yet he cannot retain them by virtue of his office; and if he has not the necessary strength or skill for the stations, it is no breach of duty in a seaman to take them from him; on the contrary, he must always expect in such a case to give them up to a smarter man. If the second mate is a youngster, as is sometimes the case, being put forward early for the sake of “promotion,” or if he is not active and ambitious, he will refrain from attempting to take the bunt or weather earring.

In the ordinary day’s work on shipboard the second mate works with his hands like a common seaman. Indeed he ought to be the best mechanical seaman on board, and be able to take upon himself the nicest and most difficult jobs, or to show the men how to do them. Among the various pieces of work constantly going forward on the vessel and rigging there are some that require more skill and are less irksome than others. The assignment of all these duties belongs to the chief mate, and if the second mate is a good seaman, he will have the best and most important work allotted to him; as, for instance, fitting, turning in, and setting up rigging, rattling down, and making the neater straps, coverings, graftings, pointings, etc.; but if he is not, he will have to employ himself upon the inferior jobs, such as are usually assigned to ordinary seamen and boys. But whatever may be his capacity, he “carries on the work,” when his watch alone is on deck, under directions previously received from the chief mate or commander.

It is a common saying among seamen that a man does not get his hands out of the tar-bucket by becoming second mate. The obvious meaning of which is, that as a great deal of tar is used in working upon rigging, and it is always put on by hand, the second mate is expected to put his hands to it as the others do. If the chief mate were to manipulate any piece of work, and it should be necessary to put any tar on it, he might call some one to tar it for him, as all labour by hand is voluntary with him; but the second mate would be expected to do this for himself, as a part of his work. These matters, however trivial in themselves, serve to illustrate the different lights in which the duties of the officers are regarded by all seafaring men. But there are some inferior services, such as slushing down masts and sweeping decks, in which the second mate takes no part; and if he were ordered to do so it would be considered as a punishment, and if resisted might lead to a difficulty.

In working ship, making or taking in sails, the second mate pulls and hauls about deck with the rest of the men. Indeed, in all the work he is expected to join in, he should be the first man to take hold, both leading the men and working himself. In one point, however, he differs from the seamen, in that he never takes the helm. That duty is left to the men, who steer the vessel under the direction of the master or officer of the deck. He is also not expected to go aloft to reeve or unreeve rigging, rig in and out booms when making or taking in sail, or other minor duties. In the event, however, of any accident, as carrying away a mast or yard, or if any unusual work is going on aloft, as the sending up or down of topmasts or topsail yards, or getting rigging over the mast-head, sending down or bending a heavy sail in a gale of wind, or the like, then the second mate should be there to take charge of the work.

Another important part of the duties of a second mate, when there is no boatswain on board, is to take charge of the spare rigging, hawsers, blocks, sails, and small stuffs, and of the instruments for working upon rigging, as marlinspikes, serving-boards, and so forth. If, for instance, the chief mate orders a man to do a piece of work with certain implements and certain kinds of materials, the man will apply to the second mate for them, and he must supply them. If there is no sail-maker on board, the second mate is required to attend to the stowing away of the spare sails, and whenever one is called for it is his duty to go below and find it. So also with the stores. It is his duty to see to the stowing away of the water, bread, beef, pork, and all the provisions of the vessel; and whenever a new cask of water or barrel of provisions is to be opened, the second mate must attend to it.

While in port, when cargo is taking in or discharging, the place of the second mate, as we have pointed out, is in the hold; but if the vessel is lying at anchor, so that the cargo has to be brought on or off in the boats belonging to the ship, then the boating duty falls upon the second mate, who goes and comes in the boats, and looks after the landing and taking off of the goods. The chief mate seldom leaves the vessel when in port; he is considered as the shipkeeper. So if a warp or kedge is to be carried out, or a boat is lowered at sea, as in boarding another vessel, or when a man has fallen overboard, in all such cases the second mate should take charge of the boat.

Merchant vessels bound on long voyages, in which there are many vicissitudes to be anticipated, sometimes carry a third mate; this practice has only obtained of late years, and his precise duties have scarcely become settled by usage. He does not, however, command a watch, except in very large vessels, but belongs to the larboard watch, and assists the chief mate in his duties. He goes aloft with the larboard watch to reef and furl, as the second mate does with the starboard, and performs very nearly the same duties aloft and about decks. If he is a good seaman he will take the earring and bunt on the head-yards, as the second mate does on the after-yards; and in the allotment of work he will be favoured with the most important jobs, if fit to perform them; otherwise he will be put upon the work of an ordinary seaman. He is not expected to handle the light sails. He stands no helm, lives aft, and will look out for the vessel at meal-times, if the second mate dines with the master and chief mate. While in port he should be in the hold or in the boats, as his services may be needed, thus dividing the labour with the second mate. Perhaps his place would more properly be in the boats, as that is considered more in the light of fatigue duty. He also relieves the second mate of the charge of the stores, and sees to the weighing and measuring of the allowances; and in his watch on deck he relieves the chief mate of the inferior parts of his duty, such as washing decks in the morning, and looking after the boys in clearing up the decks at night.

Here it may be remarked that the expression mate implies, in its general sense, an assistant, as boatswain’s mate, carpenter’s mate, sail-maker’s mate, steward’s mate, cook’s mate, and when a surgeon is on board, and has an assistant, he too is designated a mate.

Almost every merchant vessel of a large class, or bound upon a long voyage, carries a carpenter. His duty is to work at his trade under the direction of the master, and to assist in all-hands work, according to his ability. If he ships for an able seaman as well as carpenter, he must be capable of doing seaman’s work upon the rigging, and taking his turn at the wheel, if called upon. If he does not expressly ship for seaman as well as carpenter, no nautical skill can be required of him; but he must still, when all hands are called, or if ordered by the master, pull and haul about decks, and go aloft in the work usual on such occasions, as reefing and furling. Though not an officer, and unable to give an order to the smallest boy, he is nevertheless a privileged person. He lives in the steerage with the other petty officers, has charge of the ship’s chest of tools, and in all things connected with his trade is under the sole direction of the master.

Almost all ships of the largest class carry a sail-maker, although usually the older seamen are sufficiently skilled in the trade to make and mend sails, and the master or chief mate should know how to cut them out. With regard to the duties of the sail-maker, the same remarks apply to him that were made upon the carpenter. If the sail-maker ships also for seaman, he must do an able seaman’s duty, if called upon; and if he does not so ship, he will still be required to assist in all-hands work, according to his ability; and in bad weather, or in case of necessity, he may be put with a watch, and required to do ship’s duty with the rest. In all-hands work he is mustered with either watch, according to circumstances. He usually lives in the steerage with the carpenter, and always, like him, takes his food from the galley. He has no command, and when on deck his place is on the forecastle with the rest of the crew. In the work of his trade he too is under the sole direction of the master, or of the chief mate in the master’s absence; and in ship’s work he is as strictly under the command of the mates as is a common seaman.

The duties of steward vary according to the description of merchant or passenger vessel in which he may be employed. In the higher class of packet-ships, where there are numerous first-class passengers, and where a good table is kept, the steward has waiters or under-stewards, who perform most of the labours of attendance, the chief having the general superintendence of the whole. It is his duty to see that the cabin and state-rooms are kept in order; to see to the laying and clearing of the tables; to take care of the dishes and utensils appertaining thereto; to provide the meals, under the master’s directions, preparing the most delicate dishes himself; to keep the general charge of the pantry and stores for the cabin; to look after the cook in his department, and generally to attend to the comfort and convenience of the passengers. These duties generally absorb all his time and attention, and he is not called upon for any ship’s duty.

In ordinary merchant vessels the steward performs the work which falls to the under-stewards of the large packets; cleans the cabin and state-rooms; sets, tends, and clears away the table; provides everything for the cook; and has charge of the pantry, where all the table furnishings and the small stores are kept. He is also the body-servant of the master. His relation to the chief mate is not, it appears, quite settled; but the general understanding is, that, although he waits upon him at table, and must obey him in all matters relating to the ship’s work, yet he is not in any respect his servant. If the mate wished any personal service done, he would solicit it, or make some compensation.

In small vessels the steward must come on deck whenever all hands are called, and in working ship pulls and hauls about decks with the men. The main sheet is called the steward’s rope, and this he lets go and hauls aft in tacking and wearing. In reefing and furling he is expected to go upon the lower and topsail yards, and especially the mizen topsail yard of a ship. No seamanship is expected from him, and he stands no watch, sleeping in at night, and turning out at daylight; yet he must do ship’s duty according to his ability when all hands are called for working ship, or for taking in or making sail. In these things he obeys the mates in the same way that a common seaman would, and is punishable for disobedience.

The cook almost always lives in the forecastle, though sometimes in the steerage. He stands no watch, sleeping in at night, and working at his business during the day. He spends his time mostly in the cook-house, which is called the “galley,” where he cooks both for the cabin and forecastle. This, with keeping the galley, boilers, pans, kids, and other cooking utensils in order, occupies him during the entire day. He is, however, called with all hands, and in tacking and wearing, works the fore-sheet. He is also expected to pull and haul about decks in all-hands work, and is occasionally called from his galley to give a pull at a tackle or halyards.

Seafaring persons, before the mast, are divided into three classes: able seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys, or “green hands.” If any man is found incompetent to perform the duty he contracts for, his wages can not only be reduced to the grade for which he is fitted, but something additional is occasionally deducted for the deception practised, and for the loss of service, besides the difficulties which too frequently arise from his misrepresentation, the crew justly deeming it a sort of fraud upon themselves. If, for instance, the articles provide for six able seamen, the men expect as many; and if one of them proves unequal to his assumed rating, the duties which would be commonly done by six seamen will fall upon the five, leaving the vessel short-handed for the voyage. But the hardship is felt still more in the watches, for if the delinquent is not a capable helmsman, the increased duty at the wheel alone would of itself be a serious evil. The officers also feel at liberty to punish a man who has so imposed upon all hands, and accordingly every kind of inferior and disagreeable duty is put upon him; and as he finds no sympathy from the crew, his situation on board is made very unpleasant.

To “haul, reef, and steer” constitute a sailor in ordinary phraseology, but something more is required from an able seaman, who should, in addition to these duties, be a good workman on rigging; and a man’s skill in this work is the chief test of his seamanship; a competent knowledge of steering, reefing, furling, and the like being taken for granted, and being no more than is expected from an ordinary seaman, though there is, of course, a great deal of difference in the relative skill and neatness of the work of different men; but no man will pass for an able seaman, in a square-rigged vessel, who cannot make a long and short splice, fit a blockstrap, pass seizings to lower rigging, and make the ordinary knots in a fair and workmanlike manner.

In working ship the able seamen are stationed variously; though for the most part upon the forecastle, at the main tack or fore and main lower and topsail braces; the light hands being placed at the cross-jack, and fore and main top-gallant and royal braces. In taking in and making sail, and in all things connected with the working of the vessel, there is no duty which may not be required of an able seaman; yet there are certain things requiring more skill and strength, to which he is always put, and others which are as invariably assigned to ordinary seamen and boys. In reefing, the able seamen go out to the yard-arms, and the light hands stand in toward the slings; while in furling, the bunt and quarters belong to the able seamen, and the yard-arms to the boys. The light hands are expected to loose and furl the light sails, such as royals, flying-jib, and mizen top-gallant sail, and the men seldom go above the cross-trees, except to work upon the rigging, or to send a mast or yard up or down. The fore and main top-gallant sails, and sometimes the flying-jib of large vessels, require one or more able seamen for furling, but are loosed by light hands.

An ordinary seaman is expected to hand, reef, and steer, under the usual circumstances, and to be competent to “box the compass.” He must likewise be acquainted with all the running and standing rigging of a ship; be able to reeve the studding sail gear, and set a top-gallant or royal studding sail out of the top; loose and furl a royal, and a small top-gallant sail or flying-jib; and perhaps also send down or cross a royal yard. But he need not be a complete helmsman, and if an able seaman should be put into his place at the wheel in bad weather, or when a ship is steered with difficulty, it would be no imputation upon him, provided he could take his turn creditably under ordinary circumstances. But his duty depends a good deal upon whether there are boys or green hands on board or not. If there are, he has a preference over them, as an able seaman has over him in the light work; and since he stands his helm regularly, and is occasionally set to work upon rigging with the men, he will be favoured accordingly in the watch, and in common duty about decks. The distinction, however, between ordinary seamen and boys is not very nicely observed in the merchant service, and an ordinary seaman is frequently called upon for boy’s duty, though there are boys on board and at hand. If an officer wished for some one to loose a royal, take a broom and sweep the decks, hold the log-reel, coil up a rope, or the like, he would probably first call upon a boy, if at hand; if not, upon an ordinary seaman; but upon either of them indifferently before an able seaman.

We have already defined the term boys, as embracing all green hands of whatever age; as well as boys who, though they may have been at sea before, are not strong enough to rate as ordinary seamen. It is a common saying that a boy does not ship as knowing anything. Accordingly if any one enters as a boy, and upon boy’s wages, he cannot be blamed, although he may not know the name of a rope in the ship, or even the stem from the stern. In the ordinary day’s work the boys are taught to draw and knot yarns, make spun yarn, foxes, sennit, and so forth, and are employed in passing a ball, or otherwise assisting the able seamen in their jobs. Slushing masts, sweeping and clearing up decks, holding the log-reel, coiling up the running rigging, and loosing and furling the light sails are duties which are invariably put upon the boys or green hands. They stand their watches like the rest, are called with all hands, go aloft to reef and furl, and work whenever and wherever the men do, the only difference being in the description of work upon which they are put. In reefing, the boys lay in towards the slings of the yard, and in furling go out to the yard-arms. They are sent aloft immediately as soon as they get to sea, to accustom them to the motion of the vessel, and to moving about in the rigging and on the yards. Setting top-gallant studding sails, and reeving the gear, shaking out reefs, learning the names and uses of all the ropes, and how to make the common hitches, bends, and knots, are also included in the knowledge first imparted to beginners. There is some difference in the manner in which boys are put forward in different vessels. Sometimes in large vessels, where there are plenty of men, the boys never take the wheel, and are seldom put upon any but the most simple and inferior duties. In others, they are allowed to take the wheel in light winds, and gradually, if they are of sufficient age and strength, become regular helmsmen. So also, in their duties aloft, if they are favoured, they may be kept at the royals and top-gallant sails, and gradually come to the earring of a mizen topsail.

Bells mark the time at sea. At noon, eight bells are struck, that is eight strokes are made upon the bell: and from that time it is struck every half-hour throughout the twenty-four, beginning at one stroke, but never exceeding eight. A watch of four hours runs out the bells. Even bells come at the full hours, and the odd bells at the half-hours. For instance, eight bells is always twelve, four, or eight o’clock; and seven bells always half-past three, half-past seven, or half-past eleven. They are sounded by two strokes following each other quickly, and then a short interval: after which two more; and so on. If it is an odd number, the odd one is struck alone, after the interval. This is to make the counting more sure and easy; and by such means the distinction between a full hour and a half-hour is more plainly indicated.

Each watch steers the ship in its turn, and the watch on deck supplies the helmsman, even when all hands are called. Each man stands at the helm two hours, which is called his “trick.” Thus there are two tricks in a watch. Sometimes, in very cold weather, the tricks are reduced to one hour, and if the ship steers badly in a gale of wind, two men are sent to the wheel at once. In this case the man who stands on the weather side of the wheel is the responsible helmsman, the other at the lee side merely assisting him by steadying it or aiding its more rapid revolution.

The men in the watch usually arrange their tricks among themselves, the officers being satisfied so long as there is always a man ready to take the helm at the proper time. In steering, the helmsman stands on the weather side of a wheel, and on the lee side of a tiller. But when steering by tiller-ropes with no hitch round the tiller-head, or with a tackle, as in a heavy gale and a rough cross sea, when it is necessary to ease the helm a good deal, it is better to stand up to windward and steer by means of the tiller-ropes.

In relieving the wheel, the man should come aft on the lee side of the quarter-deck, as indeed he almost invariably does, and go to the wheel behind the helmsman, taking hold of the spokes so as to have the wheel in command before the other lets go. Before letting go the helmsman gives the course in an audible voice to the man that relieves him, who repeats it aloud, just as it was given, so as to make it sure that he has heard it correctly. This is especially necessary, since the points and half-points are so much alike that a mistake might easily be made. It is the duty of the officer of the watch to be present when the wheel is relieved, in order to see that the course is correctly reported and understood; which is another reason why the course should be spoken in a loud tone of voice.

If a vessel is sailing close-hauled and does not lay her course, the order is “Full and by;” which means, by the wind, yet all full. If she lays her course, the order then is her course, as N.W. by W. or W.S.W., and the like. When a man is at the wheel he has nothing else to attend to but steering the ship, and no conversation should be allowed with him. If he wishes to be relieved, it should not be done without the permission of the officer, and the same form of giving and repeating the course must be gone through, even though absent from the helm for only a few minutes.

If an order is given to the man at the helm as to his steering, he should always repeat the order distinctly, that the officer may be sure he is understood. For instance, if the order is a new course, or “Keep her off a point,” “Luff a little,” “Ease her,” “Meet her,” or the like, the helmsman should answer by repeating the course or order, echoing the precise words, and should not answer, “Ay, ay, sir,” or simply execute the order as he understands it. This practice of repeating every word, even the most minute order at the wheel, is well understood among seamen, and a failure or refusal to do so is an offence sometimes leading to disagreeable results. If, when the watch is out and the other watch has been called, all hands are detained for any purpose, such as reefing topsails, setting studding sails, or the like, the helm should not be relieved until the work is done and the watch ready to go below.

In well-disciplined vessels no conversation is allowed among the men when they are employed at their work; that is to say, it is not allowed in the presence of an officer or of the master; and although, when two or more men are together aloft, or by themselves on deck, a little low conversation might not be noticed, yet if it seemed to take off their attention, or to attract the attention of others, it would be considered a misdemeanour. In this practice variations occur in different vessels. Coasters, colliers, or other small vessels on short voyages, do not preserve the same rule; but no seaman who has been accustomed to first-class ships will object to a strictness as to conversation and laughing, while at the day’s work, very nearly as great as is observed in a school. While the crew are below in the forecastle great licence is given them; and the severest officer will never interfere with the noise and sport of the forecastle, unless it is an inconvenience to those who are on the deck. In working ship, when the men are at their stations, the same silence and decorum are observed. But during the dog-watches, as already noticed, and when the men are together on the forecastle at night, and no work going forward, smoking, singing, spinning yarns (telling stories), and so forth are allowed; and, in fact, a considerable degree of noise and skylarking is permitted, unless it amounts to positive disorder and disturbance.

It is a good rule to enforce, that whenever a man aloft wishes anything to be done on deck, he should hail the officer of the deck, and not call out, as is sometimes done, to any one whom he sees about the deck. The proper place for the seamen when they are on deck, and are not at work, is on the forecastle, which comprises so much of the upper deck as is forward of the after fore-shroud. There the crew may have their meals, if they choose, in fine weather. Their food is cooked in the galley. It is placed in wooden tubs, or “kids,” by the cook and taken away by the men. Tea or coffee is also served out to the men, each of whom provides his own eating utensils, usually consisting of a tin pot, an iron spoon, and his “jack-knife,” which serves alike for fork and carver, and numerous other purposes. Such was, and still is to a large extent, the internal economy of the ordinary merchant sailing vessels of all nations.

Before closing our remarks on the vessels of other days, there is one class which ought to receive more than a passing notice, and that is the English collier. Mr. Cooke furnishes an admirable illustration of one of these vessels, now being fast superseded by steam, in the following sketch.

The average size of the regular collier has long been about 230 tons register, with a capacity of from fourteen to seventeen keels of coals; and they were chiefly employed in the trade between the northern coal ports and London, although a considerable number of them were required to supply the wants of the outports (especially before the introduction of railways), and to these many of them still trade as well as to London. The crew of each vessel generally consisted of ten persons, all told, comprising the master, mate, and cook—who also performed seaman’s duty—five sailors, and two boys. Their duties were of the most arduous description. They were usually engaged for the voyage at a sum which included the discharge of the cargo, and sometimes the supply of their own provisions. Mr. Cooke furnishes an illustration of one of these vessels discharging her coals in the Pool (see below). The men are employed, as will be seen, “jumping” the coals in baskets, which, after passing through the weighing machine, are delivered into barges alongside. This jumping operation required a good deal of practical skill, and greenhorns often got awkward falls. It consisted of four men who held in their hands whip lines, attached to a rope, which was passed over a single pulley with a basket fastened to the end of it. As the basket was being lowered into the hold the men walked up a temporary platform, not unlike an ordinary four-barred gate placed slightly on the incline. When the basket was filled with coals they “jumped” from the top of this stage on to the deck, the weight of their bodies raising the basket in one whip to a point where a man in attendance could instantaneously capsize its contents into the weighing machine; thus the operation of discharging the coals proceeded with extraordinary rapidity.

Perhaps no branch of maritime commerce ever produced hardier or more alert seamen than that of the Northern coal trade. During her great naval engagements England looked to that trade more than to any other for the best, or at least the hardest and most daring seamen for her navy. Indeed, it afforded a supply of men who could go aloft in any weather and fight the guns, with the green sea frequently rolling through the port-holes. They never saw danger. Accustomed to work their way amongst shoals and sandbanks, and along iron-bound coasts in their frail craft, and during the most tempestuous weather, the shelter of a man-of-war was like a haven of rest to them. But though they frequently faced dangers without a thought which would have made the regular man-of-war’s man tremble, they stood sadly in want of discipline, and were with great difficulty trained to order, so that the comparatively easy life of a man-of-war’s man had few attractions for them. On board of the collier, master, mate, and men smoked their pipes together; and if they did not mess from the same kid, they were in all other respects pretty much alike, creating an equality and freedom more in accordance with their habits and tastes than the drill and daily routine of the royal navy.

FOOTNOTES:

It was not until 1850, when the English Navigation Laws were repealed, that any material advance was made by the shipowners of Great Britain in the improvement of their vessels. In that year, when they were in a very desponding state, seeing nothing before them but “ruin,” the result, as they conceived, of an entirely free-trade policy, the author had the hardihood to order to be built, for his own use in the trade between London, Australia, and India, six ships, each of an average size of eight hundred tons register, and with a capacity of from eleven hundred to fourteen hundred tons, according to the nature of the cargo. The crew of each of these vessels consisted of the master, first and second officers, steward, cook, boatswain, carpenter, sail-maker, seventeen seamen, and five apprentices, or thirty “all told;” a very great difference, as will be seen, in the capacity and current expenditure, but no great advance in the proportionate dimensions, for the length was only one hundred and forty-five feet to a beam of thirty-one feet, and twenty-two feet depth of hold. Such was the popular prejudice even then among British shipowners against any material increase in the length. The impression had prevailed for centuries that a long ship must be weak, and a narrow one dangerous, from her “liability to capsize;” and no amount of argument would convince the old school of shipowners to the contrary. At last the author, anxious to practically test this question, built in 1853, contrary to the advice of numerous well-meaning friends, an iron sailing ship, which in length measured close upon seven times the width of her beam. Such a “monstrous” deviation from “established rules,” and that, too, in a “tin kettle,” the name by which the comparatively few iron ships then built were familiarly known, created considerable discussion, mingled with many gloomy forebodings as to the result. The ship, when finished, loaded in London and sailed, with a general cargo and her full complement of passengers, for Australia. She encountered rough weather, and meeting with some slight accident, had to anchor in the Downs for repair. The captain, officers, and crew were fully satisfied with the strength, safety, and good sea-going qualities of the ship; but after this trivial accident the popular outcry against her became so strong that the author recalled her, and despatched the passengers to their destination in another vessel. Though his pecuniary loss was very considerable, he resolved to make it rather than encounter the howl of indignation which must have arisen had he sent the ship to sea and any disaster befallen her, which might have happened to any other ship, whereby the lives of the passengers were lost or placed in jeopardy. The crew remained by her. No alteration whatever was made in her construction. She proceeded almost immediately afterwards, with a full cargo of general merchandise, to Bombay, and on her return the captain reported that he never sailed in a finer or safer sea-going vessel. Such vessels are now very common, and many of them, especially steamers, are much more extreme in length in proportion to their beam.—So much for popular prejudice.

“Slops,” general term for ready-made clothes (Maydman, 1691). In a MS. wardrobe of Queen Elizabeth there is an order to John Fortescue to deliver some fustian for “sloppe for Jack Green, our foole” (Adm. W. H. Smyth, p. 633).

These duties were too frequently overlooked, and the accommodation for seamen when at sea, or in harbour abroad, is still far from being as comfortable as the ordinary run of cheap lodging-houses on shore, although it has been greatly improved of late years, more especially since the Merchant Shipping Act came into operation. Previously it was generally of a wretched description, and as the Author has the most vivid recollection of the forecastle of the ship in which he served his apprenticeship, a description of it may serve to illustrate an ordinary specimen of the sea homes of sailors forty years ago.

The vessel in which he served was about four hundred and twenty tons register, and of North American build. She was ship-rigged, and had a flush deck, that is, there were no erections upon the deck except the galley or cook-house, which stood before the long-boat; on each side of both were lashed, to ring-bolts in the deck, the spare spars, and to these were again lashed a row of puncheons or butts filled with fresh water. This vessel was employed in the trade between Great Britain and Demerara, making occasionally a voyage to the Bay of Fundy (Nova Scotia) for lumber, a description of boards used for the heading of rum and molasses casks and sugar hogsheads. Her crew (she had more than the usual complement) consisted of twenty-one persons all told, comprising the master, or “captain,” first and second mates, and steward, all of whom lived in the cabin. Besides these there were the carpenter, cooper, and cook—who with the steward were expected to assist in seaman’s duties—ten seamen, and four apprentices. One of the latter lived with the carpenter and cooper in a place called the “steerage,” that is, a small space temporarily separated by some rough stauncheons and boards from the cargo in the square of the after-hatch. Here their tools, with various rope and sail stores, were also kept. The cook, ten seamen, and three apprentices had their abode in the forecastle. This place, which was in the “’tween decks” at the extremity of the bow, may have been about twenty-one feet in width at the after or widest part, tapering gradually away to a narrow point at the stern. The length in midships was somewhere about twenty feet, but much less as the sides of the vessel were approached. The height was five feet from deck to beam, or about five feet nine inches from deck to deck at the greatest elevation between the beams; the only approach to it being through a scuttle or hole in the main deck, about two and a half feet square. Beyond this hole there were no means of obtaining either light or ventilation, and in bad weather, when the sea washed over the deck, the crew had to do as best they could without either, or receive the air mixed with spray, and sometimes accompanied by the almost unbroken crest of a wave, which, in defiance of all the tarpaulin guards, too frequently found its way through the scuttle. Here fourteen persons slept in hammocks suspended from the beams, and had their daily food. There was no room for tables, chairs, or stools, so that the tops of their sea-chests in which they kept their clothes and all their possessions, were substituted for those useful and necessary household articles. In fact so closely were these chests packed that it was difficult to sit astride them, the mode which the sailors found most convenient for taking their meals, especially in rough weather. But the whole of this limited space was not appropriated to the use of the crew, for it contained a rough deal locker, in which the beef and soup-kids and other utensils were kept, while the stout staunchions or knight-heads which supported the windlass on the upper deck came through the forecastle, and were bolted to the lower beams; and too frequently, when the ship was very full of cargo, a row of water-casks and provisions were stowed along the after-bulkhead, which was a temporary erection; while on the top of these, cables, coils of rope, and numerous other articles were piled. At all times it was a foulsome and suffocating abode, and in bad weather the water and filth which washed about the deck and among the chests and casks created the most intolerable and loathsome stench. Here, however, these fourteen sailors and apprentices slept, washed, dressed, and had their food, except in fine weather, when they took their meals on deck, their food consisting almost entirely of inferior salted pork, beef, which was sometimes nearly as hard and unpalatable as the kids in which it was served, and brown biscuits, too often mouldy and full of maggots. To make matters worse, the forecastle of the ship to which the Author refers was full of rats, and he has the most vivid recollection of one of these animals on more than one occasion finding its way into the hammock where he slept. In the West Indies the place was so suffocatingly hot that the sailors invariably slept wherever they could find a clear place upon deck or in the tops; and in winter, when approaching the English Channel, or when on an intermediate voyage to the Bay of Fundy, it was as bitterly cold, no stoves or fires of any kind being allowed on board except in the galley and in the cabin. No Siberian slaves ever suffered so much from the intensity of the cold as did those of the sailors and apprentices of that ship, who had not deserted, during two months of a winter when she lay at anchor in one of the roadsteads of the Bay. The bow ports were then obliged to be open to receive the cargo, and could only be covered with matting during the night. One of these ports opened upon the forecastle, so that its occupants might almost as well have slept upon deck, their damp clothes as they lay upon the chests or hung suspended from the beams being frequently frozen to such an extent that the ice had to be beaten from them before they could be again used.

“Wearing” is the reverse of tacking. The head of the vessel in this operation is put away from the wind and turned twenty points of the compass, instead of twelve, and without strain is brought up on the opposite tack. Lords St. Vincent, Exmouth, and other distinguished naval officers preferred “wearing” when possible, as less damaging to the sails and spars than tacking; but in merchant vessels, where progress is an object, tacking, when practicable, is invariably adopted.

Dana’s ‘Seaman’s Friend.’

“Serving,” or service-rope, is spun yarn wound round a rope by means of a serving board or mallet (Adm. W. H. Smyth, p. 608).

The Dutch government do not compel the owners of merchant vessels to take any fixed number of seamen, as was required in British ships under the Navigation Act, but the Dutch Commercial Society, a very large trading company, appears to have made a regulation in the year 1843, that every Dutch ship which went out to Batavia should take on board one ass for every hundred tons! Evidence of Mr. William von Houten before a Committee of the House of Commons, 1843.

Evidence given before a Committee of the House of Commons, 1843.

Nautical terms for raising and stowing the anchor.

The “earrings” are small ropes to fasten the upper corners of the sail to the yard. The “courses” are the sails hanging from the lower yards of a ship, viz, the mainsail, foresail, and mizen. A ship is said to be “under her courses” when no other sails are set (Admiral W. H. Smyth, pp. 270 and 218).

In a man-of-war there is always a lieutenant of the watch on the weather side of the quarter-deck, but it is not so in the merchant service. When the ordinary day’s work is going forward the mates must be about the decks or aloft, like the petty officers of a ship of war; and it is only while the work is going forward, or in bad weather, on Sundays, or at night, that the officer of the watch, if the master is not there, keeps the quarter-deck.

Chancellor Kent impugns this decision, and says the warranty of seaworthiness implies no more than that the assured must have a sound and well-equipped vessel, with reference to the voyage, and have on board a competent person as master, a competent person as mate, and a competent crew as seamen; and he cites cases where, as regards the American coasting and West India trades, this doctrine has been discarded. (See Arnold’s work, p. 721.)

The “bunt” is the middle part or cavity of the square sails, that is, of the mainsail, foresail, topsails, and top-gallant sails.

“Ratlings,” or rat-lines, are small ropes crossing the shrouds parallel with the deck, and answering the purpose of the rounds of a ladder.

“Graftings” are ornamental weavings of fine yarn, etc, on the strop of a block; applied also to the tapering ends of ropes, sometimes called “pointings” (Admiral W. H. Smyth, pp. 562 and 345).

The chief mate has no authority over the carpenter in his trade, except in the case of the master’s absence or disability. In all things pertaining to the working of the vessel, however, and as far as he acts in the capacity of seaman, he must obey the orders of the officers as implicitly as any of the crew; though, perhaps, an order from the second mate would come somewhat in the form of a request. Nevertheless there is no doubt, in point of discipline, he must obey the second mate in his proper place, as much as he would the master in his. Although the carpenter lives in the steerage, he gets his food from the galley, from the same mess with the men in the forecastle, having no better or different fare in any respect, and he has no right on the quarter-deck, but must take his place on the forecastle with the common seamen. In many vessels, during fine weather and on long voyages, the carpenter stands no watch, but “sleeps in” at night, is called at daylight, and works all day at his trade.

“Steerage” generally means the portion of the ’tween-decks just before the gun-room bulk-head in ships of war, and below the after hatchway in merchant vessels.

In regular passenger-ships the cook is not required to do any duty about decks, except in case of necessity, or of common danger. In other vessels, if strongly manned, neither the cook nor steward is sent upon the yards, yet it can, without doubt, be required of them, by the usage and understanding of the Merchant Service, to go upon a topsail or lower yard to reef or furl. In a merchant vessel where all hands are called the order applies to every one on board except the passengers. Those of the crew who do not keep watch are termed “idlers,” who besides turning out with all hands, are sometimes called up to help the watch on deck in any heavy or difficult duty in cases, when it is not desirable to call the other watch, who may have had severe service.

“Seizings,” the fastening of any two ropes, or of different parts of the same rope, with turns of small stuff (Admiral W. H. Smyth, p. 606).

In allotting the jobs among the crew, reference is always had to a man’s rate and capacity, and it is considered a decided imputation upon an “able seaman,” to put him upon inferior work, such as turning the spunyarn winch, knotting yarns, or picking oakum, while there are boys on board, or other work to be performed more within the line of his knowledge and capacity.

To repeat the names of the thirty-two points of the compass in order and backwards, and to answer any questions relative to its subdivisions (Admiral W. H. Smyth, ‘Sailor’s Word Book,’ p. 127).

A seaman’s spell at the wheel is called his “trick.” (Ibid. p. 697.)

A keel is 21 tons 5 cwt.

LIST OF ARTICLES IN APPENDIX.

No. PAGE

1. Letter of Mr. Robert Thorne to Dr. Ley, ambassador of Charles V 541

2. Letter of Advice and Instruction from the Merchant Adventurers Co. 555

3. Inventory of ye Great Barke, A.D. 1531 557

4. Furniture of the Harry Grâce à Dieu, in Pepysian Library at Cambridge 559

5. Names of all the King’s Majesty’s Shippes, Galleys, etc., (official return, 1 Edw. VI.) (Archæologia) 561

6. Note of all Shippes bound to Turkey, etc., etc. 563

7. Mersey Docks and Harbour board 564

8. Extracts from Charter Party of E. I. C. 570

9. Ships of E. I. Company, etc., 1700-1819 572

10. Ships of E. I. C. in 1820 576

11. Historical Abstract of services of E. I. C. 578

12. List of Wages, E. I. C. 583

13. Victualling Bill of E. I. C. 585

14. List of Large Ships of E. I. C. in 1831 586

15. Memorial of Capt. George Probyn 588

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX No. 1, Vol. ii., p. 70.

The Booke made by the Right Worshipful Mr. Robert Thorne, in the yeere 1527, in Sivil, to Doctour Ley, Lord ambassadour for King Henry the Eight, to Charles the Emperoar, being an information of the parts of the world, discovered by him and by the King of Portingal: and, also of the way to the Moluccaes by the North.

Right noble and reverend in I.C. I have received your letters, and have procured and sent to know of your servant, who, your Lordship wrote, should be sick in Merchena. I cannot there, or elsewhere heare of him, without he be returned to you, or gon to S. Lucar, and shipt. I cannot judge but that of some contagious sicknesse hee died, so that the owner of the house, for defaming his house, would bury him secretly, and not be knowen of it. For such things have often times happened in this countrey.

Also to write unto your Lordship of the new trade of Spicery of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the Islands are fertile of cloues, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamom; and that the said islands, with other there about, abound with golde, rubies, diamonds, balasses, granates, jacincts, and other stones and pearls, as all other lands that are under and near the Equinoctiall. For we see where nature giveth anything she is no nigard. For as with us, and other, that are aparted from the said Equinoctiall, our mettals be lead, tin, and iron, so theirs be gold, silver, and copper. And as our fruits and grains be apples, nuts, and corne, so theirs be dates, nutmegs, pepper, cloues, and other spices, and as we have jeat, amber, cristal, jasper, and other like stones, so have they rubies, diamonds, balasses, saphyres, jacincts, and other like. And though some say that of such precious mettals, graines, or kind of spices, precious stones, the abundance and quantity is nothing so great as our mettals, fruits, or stones, above rehearsed; yet if it be well considered, how the quantitie of the earth under the equinoctiall to both the Tropicall lines (in which place is found the said golde, spices, and precious stones), is as much in quantity as almost all the earth, from the Tropickes to both the Poles; it cannot be denied but there is more quantitie of the sayd mettals, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there is of the other mettals, and other things before rehearsed. And I see that the preciousness of these things is measured after the distance that is between us, and the things that we have appetite unto, for in this navigation of the Spicerie was discovered, that these Islands nothing set by golde, but set more by a knife and a nayle of iron, then by his quantitie of golde, and with reason, as the thing more necessary for mans service. And I doubt not but to them should be as precious our corne and seeds, if they might have them, as to us their spice; and likewise the pieces of glasse that here we have counterfeited are as precious to them as to us their stones; which by experience is seen daylie by them that have trade thither. This of the riches of those countries is sufficient.

Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may bee profitable to the Emperor or no; it may be without doubt of great profite; if, as the king of Portingal doth, he would become a merchant, and prouide shippes and their lading, and trade thither alone, and defend the trade of these Islands himselfe. But other greater businesse withholdeth him from this. But still, as now it is begunne to be occupied, it would come to much. For the shippes coming in safetie, there would thither many every yere, of which to the Emperour is due of all the wares and jewels that come from thence the fifth part for his custome cleare without any cost. And besides this, hee putteth in every note a certaine quantitie of money, of which hee enjoyeth of the gaines pound and pounds like as other adventurers doe. In a fleete of three shippes and a carauel that went from this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in April last past, I and my partener have one thousand four hundred duckets that we employed in the said fleete, principally for that two Englishmen, friends of mine, which are somewhat learned in the Cosmographie, should goe in the same shippes, to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the countrey, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas, and there to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to knowe especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes, and mariners of that countrey, and cardes by which they saile, though much unlike ours, that they should procure to have the said cards and learne how they understand them, and especially to know what navigation they have for those islands northwards, and northeastwards.

For if from the said islands the sea did extend, without interposition of land, to saile from the north point to the northeast poynt, one thousand seven hundred, or one thousand eight hundred leagues, they should come to the Newfound Islands that we discovered, and so we should be neerer to the sayd Spicerie by almost two thousand leagues then the Emperour, or the King of Portingal are. And to advise your Lordship whether of these Spiceries of the King of Portingal or the Emperours is nearer, and also of the titles that either of them hath, and howe our New found lands are parted from it (for that by writing without some demonstration it were hard to give any declaration of it) I have caused that your Lordship shall receive herewith a little Mappe or Carde of the World: the which I feare me shall put your Lordship to more labour to understand than me to make it, onely for that it is made in so little roome, that it cannot be but obscurely set out, that is desired to be seene in it, and also for that I am in this science little expert: yet to remedy in part this difficulty it is necessary to declare to your Lordship my intent, with which I trust you perceive in this Card part of your desire, if, for that I cannot expresse mine intent, with my declaration I doe not make it more obscure.

First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers have divided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in longitude, under the which is comprehended all the roundnes of the earth: the latitude being divided into foure quarters, ninetie degrees amount to every quarter, which they measure by the altitude of the Poles, that is the north and south starres, being from the line Equinoctiall till they come right under the north starre the said ninetie degrees, and as much from the said line equinoctiall to the south starre be other ninety degrees. And as much more is also from either of the said starres, agayne to the Equinoctiall. Which imagined to bee round, is soone perceived thus, 360 degrees of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters of ninetie degrees a quarter: so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from north to south, and from south to north. And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is counted from west to east or from east to west, as in the Card is set.

The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and divided in the ende of this Card on the left hand, so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth, take a compasse, and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line, right against the said region, and apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast, and then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card, where the degrees are divided. And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial, the other will show in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in. Also the longitude of the world I have set out in the nether part of the Card, containing also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde, which is over against a little crosse, made in the part occidental, where the division of the degrees beginneth, and endeth in the same Capo Verde.

Now to know in what longitude any land is, your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse, and set the one foot of the compasse upon the land or coast whose longitude you would know, and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transversal lines in the Oriental or Occidental part: which done, set the one foot of the compass in the said transversal line at the end of the nether scale, the scale of longitude, and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in. And your Lordship must understand that this Card, though little, containeth the universal whole world betwixt two collaterall lines, the one in the occidentall part descendeth perpendicular upon the 175th degree, and the other in the orientall on the 170th degree, whose distance measureth the scale of longitude. And that which is without the two said tranversall lines, is onely to show how the Orientall part is joined with the Occident, and Occident with the Orient, for that that is set without the line in the Oriental part, is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part; and that that is set without the line in the Occidental part, is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part, to show that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to have an end, yet one imagining that this said Card were set upon a round thing, where the endes should touch by the lines, it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part joyneth with the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and figured.

And for more declaration of the said Card, your Lordship shall understand, that beginning on the part occidental within the line, the first land that is set out is the maine land, and islands of the Indies of the Emperour. Which maine land or coast goeth northward, and finisheth in the land that we found, which is called here Terra de Labrador. So that it appeareth the said land that we found, and the Indies, to be all one maine land.

The sayd coast from the sayd Indies southward, as by the Card your Lordshippe may see, commeth to a certaine straight sea, called Estrecho de Todos Santos: by which straight sea the Spainiards goe to the Spiceries, as I shall declare more at large; the which straight sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude, and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees. The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine islands of the Canaries, and islandes of Capo Verde. But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo Verde, and from thence northward by the straight of this sea of Italie. And so followeth Spayne, France, Flanders, Almaine, Denmarke, and Norway, which is the highest part toward the north. And over against Flanders are our islands of England and Ireland. Of the landes and coastes within the streights I have set out onely the regions, dividing them by lines of their limits, by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see, in what situation everie region is, and of what highnesse, and with what regions it is joyned. I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe. In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so well make the sayd divisions: for that they be not so well knowen nor need not so much. This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines and strikes, that your Lordship should understand wherefore they doe serve. Also returning to the aforesaid Capo Verdo, the coast goeth southward to a cape called Capo de buona Speransa, which is right over against the 60 and 65 degree of longitude. And by this cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie. For from this cape toward the Orient, is the land of Calicut, as your Lordship may see in the headland over against the 130 degree. Fro the sayd Cape of Buona Speransa the coast returneth toward the line equinoctiall, and passing forth, entreth the Red Sea, and returning out, entreth again into the gulfe of Persia, and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line, till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd, and from, thence the coast making a gulfe, where is the river of Ganges, returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca, where is the principal Spicerie: and from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe, and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and over against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands, which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour. Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance.

The said coast goeth toward the Orient, and endeth right against the 155 degrees, and after returneth toward the Occident northward: which coast not yet plainely knowen, I may joyne to the New found lande found by us that I spake of before. So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd. Well I know I should also have declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne. It is playne that passing the straights on the north side of that Sea after the coast of Granado, and with that which pertaines to Spaine, is the coast of that which France hath in Italie. And then followeth in one piece all Italie, which land hath an arme of the sea, with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum. And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice. And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclavonia, and next Grecia, then the streights of Constantinople, and then the sea called Euxinus, which is within the sayd streights: and coming out of the said streights, followeth Turciamaior (though now on both sides it is called Turcia). And so the coast runneth southward to Syria, and over against the sayd Turcia are the Islands of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And over against Italie are the Islands of Sicilia and Sardinia. And over against Spaine is Majorca and Minorca. In the ende of the gulfe of Syria is Judea. And from thence returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to the streights where we began, which all is the coast of Affrike and Barbarie. Also your Lordship shall understand that the coastes of the sea throughout all the world, I have colored with yellow, for that it may appeare that all that is within the line colored yellow is to be imagined to be maine land or Islands, and all without the line so coloured to bee Sea: whereby it is easie and light to know it. Albeit in this little roome any other descriptions would rather have made it obscure than cleere. And the sayd coasts of the sea are all set justly after the maner and forme as they lie, as the navigation approveth them throughout all the Card, save onely the coastes and Isles of the Spicerie of the Emperour which is from over against the 160, to the 215, degrees of longitude. For these coastes and situations of the Islands every of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portingal and Spayne do set after their purpose. The Spanards more toward the Orient because they should appeare to appertain to the Emperour: and the Portingals more toward the Occident, for that they should fall more within their jurisdiction. So that the pilots and navigants thither, which in such cases should declare the truth, by their industrie do set them falsely every one to favour his prince. And for this cause can be no certaine situation of that coast and islands till this difference betwixt them be verified. Now to come to the purpose of your Lordships demand touching the difference between the Emperour and the king of Portingal, to understand it better, I must declare the beginning of this discoverie. Though peradventure your Lordship may say that in that I have written ought of purpose, I fall in the proverbe, a gemino ouo bellum. But your Lordship commanded me to be large, and I take license to be prolixious, and shall be peradventure tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that Nihil ignorantia verbosius.

In the yeere 1484 the king of Portingal minded to arme certaine Carvels to discover this Spicerie. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discovered, every other prince woulde sende and trade thither, so that the cost and peril of discovering should be his, and the profite common; wherefore first he gave knowledge of this his mind to all princes Christened, saying that hee would seeke amongst the infidels newe possessions of regions, and therefore would make a certaine armie: and that if any of them would helpe in the cost of the sayd armie, he should enjoy his part of the profite or honour that should come of it. And as then this discovering was holden for a strange thing and uncertaine; nowe they say that all the Princes of Christendome answered, that they would be no part of such an armie, nor yet of the profit that might come of it. After the which he gave knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answere of all the Princes, desiring him that seeing that none would helpe in the costes, that he would judge all that should bee found and discovered to be of his jurisdiction and command that none other princes should intermeddle therewith. The Pope said not as Christ saith, Quis me constituit judicem inter vos? He did not refuse, but making himself as Lord and judge of all, not onely granted that all that should be discovered from Orient to Occident should be the kings of Portingal, but also, that upon great censures no other Prince should discover but he. And if they did, all to bee the kings of Portingal. So he armed a fleete, and in the yeere 1497 were discovered the Islands of Calicut, from whence is brought all the spice he hath.

After this in the yere 1492, the kinge of Spaine willing to discover lands toward the Occident without making any such diligence, or taking licence of the king of Portingal, armed certaine carvels, and then discovered this India Occidental, especially two Islands of the sayd India, that in this Card I set forth, naming the one La Dominica, and the other Cuba, and brought certaine golde from thence, of the which when the king of Portingal had knowledge, he sent to the king of Spaine, requiring him to give him the sayd islands. For that by the sentence of the Pope all that should be discovered was his, and that hee should not proceede farther in the discoverie without his licence. And at the same time it seemeth that out of Castil into Portingal had gone for feare of burning infinite number of Jewes that were expelled out of Spaine, for that they would not turne to be Christians, and carried with them infinite number of golde and silver. So that it seemeth the king of Spaine answered, that it was reason that the king of Portingal asked, and that to be obedient to that which the Pope had decreed, he would give him the sayd Islands of the Indies. Nowe for as much as it was decreed betwixt the sayde kings that none should receive the others subjects, fugitives, nor their goods, therefore the king of Portingal should pay and returne to the king of Spaine a million of golde or more, that the Jewes had caryed out of Spaine to Portingal, and that in so doing he would give these Islands and desist from any more discovering. And not fulfilling this, he would not not onely not give these Islands, but procure to discover more where him thought best. It seemeth that the king of Portingal would not, or could not with his ease pay this money. And so not paying, that he could not let the king of Spaine to discover: so that he enterprised not toward the Orient where he had begun and found the Spicerie, and consented to the king of Spaine, that touching this discovering they should divide the worlde betweene them two. And that all that should be discovered from Cape Verde, where this Card beginneth to be counted in the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the sayd scale of longitude, which is halfe the world toward the Orient, and finisheth in this Card right over against a little crosse made at the said 180 degrees, to be the king of Portingals. And all the land from the said Crosse towarde the Occident, until it joyneth with the other Crosse in the Orient, which containeth the other hundreth and eightie degrees, that is the other halfe of the worlde, to be the king of Spaines. So that from the land over against the said hundreth and eighty degrees untill it finish in the three hundred and sixtie on both the ends of the Card, is the jurisdiction of the king of Spaine. So after this maner they divided the world betweene them.

Now for that these Islands of Spicery fall neere the terme and limites betweene these princes (for as by the sayd Card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixtie degrees of longitude, and ende in 215), it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 180 degrees should be of Portingal: and all the rest of Spaine. And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots coulde not agree in the situation of the sayde Islandes (for the Portingals set them all within their 180 degrees, and the Spanards set them all without): and for that in measuring, all the Cosmographers of both partes, or what other that ever have bene cannot give certaine order to measure the longitude of the worlde, as they doe of the latitude: for that there is no starre fixed from East to West, as are the starres of the Poles, from North to South, but all mooveth with the mooving divine: no maner can bee founde howe certainly it may bee measured, but by conjectures, as the Navigants have esteemed the way they have gone. But it is manifest that Spaine had the situation of al the lands from Cape Verde, toward the Orient of y’e Portingals to their 180 degrees. And in all their Cardes they never hitherto set the saide Islands within their limitation of the sayd 180 degrees, (though they knew very well of the Islands,) till now that the Spaniards discovered them. And it is knowen that the king of Portingal had trade to these Islands afore, but would never suffer Portingal to go thither from Calicut: for so much as he knew that it fell out of his dominion: least by going thither there might come some knowledge of those other Islands of the king of Spaine, but bought the cloves of marchants of that countrey, that brought them to Calicut, much deerer than they would have cost, if he had sent for them thinking after this maner it would abide alwayes secret. And now that it is discovered he sendes and keepes the Spaniards from the trade all that he can.

Also it should seeme that when this foresaid consent of the division of the worlde was agreede of betweene them, the king of Portingal had already discovered certaine Islandes that lie over against Cape Verde, and also certaine part of the maine lande of India toward the South, from whence he sette Brasill, and called it the land of Brasil. So for that all should come in his terme and limites, hee tooke three hundred and seventie leagues beyond Cape Verde: and after this, his 180 degrees, being his part of the worlde, should begin in the Carde right over against the 340 degrees, where I have made a little compasse with a crosse, and should finish at the 160 degree, where also I have made another little marke. And after this computation without any controversy, the Islands of the Spicery fal out of the Portingals domination. So that nowe the Spaniards say to the Portingals, that if they would beginne their 180 degrees from the sayde Cape Verde, to the intent they should extende more toward the Orient, and so to touch those Islandes of the Spicerie of the Emperour, which is al that is betweene the two crosses made in this Card, that then the Islands of Cape Verde and the lande of Brasil that the Portingals nowe obtaine is out of the said limitation, and that they are of the Emperours. Or if their 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyond the said Cape Verde, to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasil, then plainely appeareth the said 180 degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the Spicerie of the Emperour: As by this Carde your Lordship may see. For their limits should begin at the 340 degrees of this Carde, and ende at the 160 degrees, where I have made two little markes of the compasse with crosses in them.

So that plainely it shoulde appeare by reason, that the Portingals should leave these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil, if they would have part of the Spicerie of the Emperours: or els holding these, they have no part there. To this the Portingals say that they will beginne their 180 degrees from the self same Cape Verde: for that it may extende so much more toward the Orient, and touch these Islandes of the Emperours: and woulde winne these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil neverthelesse, as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made.

So none can verely tell which hath the best reason. They be not yet agreed. Quare sub Judice lis est.

But without doubt (by all conjectures of reason), the sayd Islands fall all without the limitation of Portingal and pertaine to Spaine, as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cardes made by the Portingals, save those which they have falsified of late purposely.

But now touching that your Lordship wrote, whether that which we discovered toucheth anything the aforesayd coastes: once it appeareth plainely, that the Newefound land that we discovered, is all a maine land with the Indies occidentall, from whence the Emperour hath all the gold and pearles; and so continueth of coast more than 5000 leagues of length, as by this Carde appeareth. For from the said New lands it proceedeth toward the Occident to the Indies, and from the Indies returneth toward the Orient, and after turneth southward up till it come to the Straits of Todos Santos, which I reckon to be more than 5000 leagues.

So that to the Indias it should seeme that we have some title, at least that for our discovering we might trade thither as others doe. But all this is nothing neere the Spicerie.

Now then if from the sayd New found lands the sea be navigable, there is no doubt, but sayling northward and passing the Pole, descending to the Equinoctiall line, we shall hit these Islands, and it should be a much shorter way, than either the Spanards or the Portingals have. For we be distant from the Pole but thirty and nine degrees, and from the Pole to the Equinoctiall be ninetie, the which added together, bee an hundred twenty and nine degrees, leagues 2489, and miles 7440: Where we should find these Islands. And the Navigation of the Spaniards to the Spicerie is, as by this Card you may see, from Spaine to the Islandes of Canarie, and from these Islandes they runne over the line Equinoctiall southwarde to the Cape of the maine land of the Indians, called the Cape of Saint Augustine, and from this Cape southwards to the straites of Todos Santos, in the which navigation to the said straites is 1700 or 1800 leagues; and from these Straites being past them, they return towarde the line Equinoctiall to the Islands of Spicerie, which are distant from the saide Straites 4200, or 4300 leagues.

The navigation of the Portingals to the said Islandes is departing from Portingal southward toward the Cape Verde, and from thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctiall called Capo de Bona Speransa, and from Portingal to the Cape is 1800 leagues, and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicerie of the Emperour is 2500 leagues.

So that this navigation amounteth all to 4300 leagues. So that (as afore is sayd) if between our Newe found lands, or Norway, or Island, the seas towards the north be navigable, we should goe to these Islands a shorter way by more than 2000 leagues.

And though we went not to the sayd Islandes, for that they are the Emperours or kings of Portingal, wee shoulde by the waye and comming once to the line Equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde and Spicerie, as all other landes are under the sayd line Equinoctiall: and also should, if we may pass under the North, enjoy the navigation of all Tartarie. Which should be no lesse profitable to our commodities of cloth than these Spiceries to the Emperour, and king of Portingal.

But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers, that passing the seventh clime, the sea is all ice, and the colde so much than none can suffer it. And hitherto they had all the like opinion, that under the line Equinoctiall for much heate, the land was unhabitable.

Yet since (by experience is proved) no lande so much habitable nor more temperate. And to conclude, I thinke the same should be found under the North, if it were experimented. For as all judge, nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura. So I judge there is no land unhabitable, nor sea innavigable. If I should write the reason that presenteth this unto me, I should be too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter. God knoweth that though by it I should have no great interest, yet I have had and still have no little mind of this businesse: so that if I had facultie to my will, it should be the first thing that I woulde understand, even to attempt, if our seas northward be navigable to the Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarious, and come from the father to the sonne, so this inclination or desire of this discoverie I inherited of my father, which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers the New found lands, of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth), if the mariners would then have bene ruled, and followed their pilots minde, the lands of the West Indies (from whence all the gold commeth) had bene ours, For all is one coast, as by the Carde appeareth, and is aforesayd.

Also in this Carde by the Coastes where you see C. your Lordship shall understand it is set for Cape or headland, where I. for Iland, where P. for Port, where R. for River. Also in all this little Carde, I think nothing be erred touching the situation of the land, save only in these Ilands of Spicerie; which for that (as afore is sayd) every one setteth them after his mind, there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not denie that there lacke many things, that a consummate Carde should have or that a right good demonstration desireth. For there should be expressed, all the mountaines and rivers that are principall of name in the earth, with the names of Portes of the sea, the names of all principall cities, which all I might have set, but not in this Carde, for the little space would not consent.

Your Lordship may see that setting onely the names almost of every region, and yet not of all, the roome is occupied. Many Islands are also left out, for the said lack of roome, the names almost of all Portes put to silence, with the roses of the windes or points of the compasse: For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by, but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded. And if by this your Lordship cannot wel perceive the meaning of this Carde, of the which I would not marveile, by reason of the rude composition of it, will it please your Lordship to advise me to make a bigger and a better mappe or els that I may cause one to be made. For I know myself in this and all other nothing perfect, but Licet semper discens, nonquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perueniens. Also I know, to set the forme sphericall of the world in Plano after the true rule of Cosmographie, it would have bene made otherwise than this is: howbeit the demonstration should not have bene so plaine.

And also these degrees of longitude, that I set in the lower part of this Card, should have bin set along by the line Equinoctiall, and so then must be imagined. For the degrees of longitude neere either of the poles are nothing equalled in bignesse to them in the Equinoctiall. But these are set so, for that setting them along the Equinoctial, it would have made obscure a great part of the map. Many other curiosities may be required which for the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I had principally, was to satisfy your doubt touching the spicerie, as for that, I lack leasure and time. I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred, will accept my good will, which is to doe anything that I may in your Lordships service. But from henceforth I knowe your Lordship will rather command me to keep silence than to be large, when you shall be wearied with the reading of this discourse. Jesus prosper your estate and health.

Your Lordships, ROBERT THORNE, 1527.

Also this Carde, and that which I write touching the variance between the Emperour and the king of Portingal is not to be shewed or communicated there with many of that court. For though there is nothing in it prejudicial to the Emperour, yet it may be a cause of paine to the maker; as well for that none may make these Cardes but certaine appointed, and allowed for masters, as for that peradventure it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should know or discover their secretes: and would appeare worst of all, if they understand that I write touching the short way to the Spicerie by our seas. Though peradventure of troth it is not to be looked to, as a thing that by all opinions is impossible, and I thinke never will come to effect: and therefore neither here nor elsewhere is to be spoken of. For to move it amongst wise men, it should be had in derision. And therefore to none I would have written nor spoken of such things; but to your Lordship to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to myself. But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship, I will show some conjectures of reason, though against the general opinions of Cosmographers, by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation. And till that time I beseech your Lordship, let it be put to silence; and in the meane season, it may please God to send our two Englishmen, that are gone to the Spicerie, which may also bring more plaine declaration of that which in this case might be desired.

Also I know I needed not to have been so prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your Lordship, if the sayd Carde had beene very well made, after the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship would soone understand it better than I, or any other that could have made it: and so it shoulde appeare that I shewed Delphinum natare. But for that I have made it after my rude maner, it is necessary that I be the declarer or gloser of my own worke, or els your Lordship should have had much labour to understand it, which now with it also cannot be excused, it is so grossely done. But I knew you looked for no curious things of mee, and therefore I trust your Lordship will accept this, and hold me for excused. In other mens letters that they write they crave pardon that at this present they write no larger; but I must finish, asking pardon that at this present I write so largely. Jesus preserve your Lordship with augmentation of dignities.

Your servant, ROBERT THORNE, 1527.

APPENDIX No. 2.

Letter of the Company of the Merchant Adventurers to Russia to their Agents.—Vol. ii. p. 83.

“You shall understand we have fraighted for the parts of Russia foure good shippes to be laden there by you and your order: That is to say, the Primerose of the burthen of 240 Tunnes, Master under God, John Buckland: The John Evangelist, of 170 Tunnes, Master under God, Laurence Roundal: The Anne of London, of the burthen of 160 Tunnes, Master under God, David Philly; and the Trinitie of London of the burthen of 140 Tunnes, Master under God, John Robins, as by their charter parties may appeare; which you may require to see for divers causes. You shall receive, God willing, out of the said good ships, God sending them in safety for the use of the Company, these kinds of wares following, all marked with the general marke of the Company as followeth, 25 fardels containing 207 sorting clothes, one fine violet in graine, and one skarlet, and 40 cottons for wrappers, beginning with number 1, and ending with number 52. The sorting clothes may cost the first peny 5l. 9s., the cloth, one with the other. The fine violet 18l. 6s. 6d. The skarlet 17l. 13s. 6d., the cottons at 9l. 10s. the packe accompting 7 cottons for a packe: more 500 pieces of Hampshire kersies, that is 400 watchets, 43 blewes, 53 reds, 15 greenes, 5 ginger colours, 2 yellowes which cost the first peny 4l. 6s. the piece, and three packes containing 21 cottons at 9l. 10s. the packe, and part of the clothes is measured by Arshines. More 9 barrels of Pewter of Thomas Hasels making &c. Also the wares bee packed and laden as is aforesayde, as by an invoyce in every shippe more plainly may appeare. So that when it shall please God to send the saide good shippes to you in safetie, you are to receive our said goods, and to procure the sales to our most advantage either for ready money, time or barter: having consideration that you doe make good debts, and give such time, if you give any, as you may employ and returne the same against the next voyage; and also foreseeing that you barter to a profit and for such wares as be here most vendible, as waxe, tallowe, traine oile, hempe and flaxe. Of furres we desire no great plentie, because they be dead wares. And as for felts we will in no wise you send any. And whereas you have provided tarre, and as we suppose, some hempe ready bought, our advise is that in no wise you send any of them hither unwrought because our fraight is 4l. a Tunne or little less: which is so deare, as it would not beare the charges; and therefore we have sent you 7 ropemakers, as by the copies of covenants here inclosed shall appeare; whom we will you set to worke with all expedition in making of cables and ropes of all sorts. Let all diligence be used that at the returne of these shippes we may see samples of all ropes and cables if it be possible, and so after to continue in worke, that we may have good store against the next yeere. Therefore they have neede to have a place to work in, in the winter; and at any hand let them have hempe ynough to spinne their stuffes; for seeing you have great plentie of hempe there, and at a reasonable price, we trust we shall be able to bring as good stuffe from thence, better and cheaper than out of Danske; if it be diligently used, and have a good overseer.

“Let the chiefest lading of these foure shippes be principally in waxe, flaxe, tallowe, and trayne oyle. And if there be any more wares than these ships be able to take in, then leave that which is least in valeu and grossest in stowage untill the next shipping; for wee do purpose to ground ourselves chiefly upon those commodities, as waxe, cables and ropes, traine oyle, flaxes and some linen yarne. As for Masts, Tarre, Hempe, Feathers, or any such other like, they would not bear the charges to have any considering our deere fraight. We have sent you a skinner to be there at our charges for meate, drinke and lodging, to view and see such furres as you shall consider cheape and buye, not minding nevertheless, that you shall charge yourselves with many, except those which be most vendible, as good martens mimures, otherwise called Lettis and Mynkes. Of these you may send us plentie, finding them good and at a reasonable price. As for sables and other rich furres, they bee not every mans money; therefore you may send the fewer, using partly the discretion of the Skinner in that behalfe.

“We heare that there is great plentie of steele in Russia and Tartarie whereof wee would you sent us part for an example and to write your mindes in it what store is to be had; for we heare say there is great plentie and that the Tartars steele is better than that in Russia. And likewise we be informed that there is great plentie of Copper in the Emperours Dominions; we would be certified of it what plentie there is and whether it be in plates or in round flat cakes, and send us some for example. Also we would have you to certifie us what kind of woolen cloth the men of Rie and Reuel and the Poles and Lettoes doe bring to Russia and send the scantlings of them with part of the lists and a full advice of the lengths and breadths, colours and prices, and whether they be stained or not: and what number of them may be uttered in a yeare, to the intent that we may make provisions for them for the like sorts, and all other Flemish wares which they bring thither and be most vendible there. And to certifie us whether our set clothes be vendible there or not and whether they be rowed and shorne; because of times they goe undrest. Moreover, we will you send us of every commodity in that Country part, but no great quantity other than such as is before declared. And likewise every kind of Lether, whereof we be informed there is great store bought yeerely by the Esterlings and Duches for hie Almaigne and Germanie.

“More that you doe send us for a proofe a quantity of such earth, hearbes, or what thing soever it be, that the Russes do die, and colour any kind of cloth, linen or wollen, Lether or any other thing withall: and also part of that which the Tartars and Turkes doe bring thither, and how it must be used in dying and colouring. Moreover that you have a special foresight in the chusing of your Tallowe and that it may be well purified and dried, or else it will in one yeere putrifie and consume.

“Also that you certifie us the truth of the weights and measures, and howe they do answere with ours, and to send us 3 nobles in money, that we may try the just value of them.

“Also we doe send you in these ships ten young men that be bound Prentises to the Companie whom we will you to appoint every of them as you shall there find most apte and meete, some to keep accompts, some to buy and sell by your order and commission, and some to send abroad into the notable cities of the Countrey for understanding and knowledge.”

APPENDIX No. 3.

Inventory of ye Great Barke, A.D. 1531.—Vol. ii. p. 93.

“Thys is the inventory of the Great Barke vyeuwyd by youre humble servant Christopher Morris, the 6th day of October, the 23 year of our soverayne King Henry the 8th.

“Item, in primis, the shype with one overlop (overloop or orlop, deck): Item the fore castell, and a cloos tymber deck from the mast forward, whyche was made of lait: Item, above the fore castell, a decke from the mayne mast afterward: Item a nyeu mayne mast of spruce (a sort of fir so called), with a nyeu staye hounsyd (bound round), and skarvyd (or scarfed, one piece of timber let into another in a firm joint) with the same wood; whyche mast ys of length from the hounse to the step 25 yards; the mayne mast, about the patnas, ys 23 hands about: Item a nyeu mayne mast yaerd of spruce of oon piece.

“Item, the takyll pertaynyng to the said mayne maste, 6 takells on a syd.

“Item, 9 shrowds, and a back staye on either syde.

“Item, in all the takylles, 6 shyvers (sheevers or sheaves, which run in the blocks, whether brass or wood) of brass; that is to say 4 shyvers in three pennants, and two in the bowser takylls. Item a payer of thyes (ties or lifts, the ropes by which the yards hang) and a payer of hayliards: Item a gyver (a double block) with two brasing shyvers: item the mayne parrel, with trussys and two drynghs: Item 2 lysts (tysts, ropes which belong to the yard-arms); item 2 braseys: Item 2 tregets: Item a mayne kerse; Item a bonnet (bonnet belonging to another sail) haulf warren, with shouts tacks and bollyings: Item a nieu mayne top: Item a top mast, and a top sayle, with all theyr apparrell: Item a mayne myssen mast; and a mayne myssyn yaerd of spruce of oon pece.

“Item a payer of haylleards, and a tye for the sayd mayne myssen yaerd: item 5 shrouds on eyche (each) syd: item a mayne myssen haulf a top: item a mayne myssen sayle haulf worren.

“Item a bonaventure mast; with a yaerd of spruce of oon pece, with 3 shrouds on a syde. Item a payer of hayliards: item a tye with haulf a top: item a bonaventure sayle, sore worren.

“Item, a foer mast with 4 takylls, and 7 shrouds on a syd: with a tye and a payer of hayliards with 4 brasyn shyvers: Item a fore sayle yaerd with the apparrells, 2 trussys;—item 2 lysts; 2 braessys; 2 top sayll shoutts; 2 bollyngs; a fore staye; item fore sayll shoutts; two tacks such they be, Item foer sayle koors, with 2 bonnetts, sore worren: item a fore top mast, with a yaerd, with sayles, and takyll pertayning to yt.

“Item a bowsprytt of ooke, item a sprytt sayle yard, skarvyd with a sprytt sayle sore worren.

“Item 4 ankers, with two old cabulls;—and another old cabull whyche they say ys in the watar.

“Item towe katt howks (catt hooks to raise the anchor): and two fysche hooks (fish hooks for fishing the anchor): item 4 pollys with brasyn shyvers: item, a snatche polly; a luff hoke (a takell with 2 hooks): item 2 pollys for the mayne top sayle: item 2 great dubbell pollys with woddyn shyver: item 17 pollys, great and small: item 4 kuyll of small ropys of roers stuff: item 4 boye ropys, good and bad; a fyd of iron (an instrument used for splicing ropes known as a marlin-spike): item a shype kettel of 24 gallons: item a pytche pott of brasse: item a grynding stoen: item a crowe of yeron: item a pytche trouth.

“Item a pompe with three boxys; and a pomp stavys: item 3 compasses, and a kenning glass (spy-glass or telescope): item 5 lanternnes.

“Item a great boat pertayning to the shyppe; with a davyd, with a shyver of brass: item xii owers, and a schulb.

“Hereafter followeth the ordinances pertayning to the sayde shype, item, in primis, two brazyn pecys called kannon pecyes on stokyes which wayith, The one 9c. 3q. 11lb. the other 10c. 1q. 17lb. whole weight 20c. 28lb: Item 2 payer of shod wheeles nyeu: item 2 ladyng ladells.

“Starboard side. Item oon port pece of yeron cast with 2 chambers: item a port pece of yeron, with one chamber: Item a spruyche slyng with one chamber.

“Larboard side. Item oon port pece with 2 chambers: Item another port pece, with oon chamber, whyche chamber was not made for the sayd pece.

“In the forecastell. Item a small slyng with 2 chambers. Item another pece of yeron with 2 chaembers, the oon broken.”

APPENDIX No. 4.

Furniture of the Harry Grâce à Dieu, in Pepysian Library at Cambridge, Vol. ii. p. 94.

GONNES OF BRASSE. | GUNNES OF YRON. Cannons iiii | Port Pecys xiiii Di-Cannons iii | Slyngs iiii Culveryns iiii | Di-Slyngs ii Sakers iiii | Fowlers viii Cannon Pesers ii | Baessys lx Fawcons ii | Toppe peces ii | Hayle shotte pecys xl | Hand Gonnes complete c ________________________

GONNEPOWDER. SHOTTE OF YRON. Lasts. | For Cannons c Serpentyn Powder in | For Di-Cannons lx Barrels ii | Corn Powder in Barrels vi | For Culveryns cxx | For Di-Culveryns lxx | For Sakers cxx | For Fawcons c | For Slyngs c | For Di-Slyngs l | Crosse barre Shotte c | Dyce of Yron for Hayle | Shotte iiii^m ________________________

SHOTTE OF STOEN AND LEADE. MANYCIONS. For Canon Peser lx | Pych hamers xx For Porte Pecys ccc | Sledges of Yron xii For Fowlers c | Crows of Yron xii For Toppe Pecys xl | Comaunders xii For Baessys Shotte of | Tampions v^m Leade ii^m | Canvas for | Cartowches i^quar | Paper Ryal for | Cartowches vi

Arrowes, Morry Pycks Byllys, Daerts for Toppys Bowes, Bowestryngs Bowes of Yough v^c Bowe Stryngs x Grocys Morrys Pykes cc Byllys cc Daerts for Toppis, Doussens c ________________________

HABILLIMENTS OF WARRE.

Ropis of Hempe for wolyng and brechyng x Coyll Naglis of sundere sorts i^m Baggs of Ledder xii Fyrkyns with Pursys vi Lyme Potts x Douss. Spaer Whelys iiii Payer Spaer Truckells iiii Payer Spaer Extrys xii Shepe Skynnys xxiiii Tymber for Forlocks c Feet

APPENDIX No. 5.

Names of all King’s Majesty’s Shippes, Galleys, Pynnasses, and Row barges; with their tonnage and number of Soldiers, Mariners, and Gunners; and also the places where they now be.

5 Jan. A. R. Ed. VI. primo.

Vol. ii. p. 95.

SHIPPES AT WOLWIDGE.

The Harry Grâce à Dieu, 1000 tons. Souldiers, 349. Marryners, 301. Gonners 50. Brass Pieces, 19. Iron Pieces, 103.

AT PORTSMOUTH.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces. The Peter 600 400 12 78 The Matthewe 600 300 10 121 The Jesus 700 300 8 66 The Pauncy 450 300 13 69 The Great Barke 500 300 12 85 The Lesse Barke 400 250 11 98 The Murryan 500 300 10 53 The Shruce of Dawske 450 250 10 39 The Cristoffer 400 246 2 51 The Trynytie Henry 250 220 1 63 The Swepe Stake 300 230 6 78 The Mary Willoughby 140 160 6 23

GALLIES AT PORTSMOUTH.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces. The Anne Gallant 450 250 16 46 The Sallamander 300 220 9 40 The Harte 300 200 4 52 The Antelope 300 200 4 40 The Swallowe 240 100 8 45 The Unycorne 240 140 6 30 The Jeannet 180 120 6 35 The New barke 200 140 5 48 The Greyhounde 200 140 8 37 The Teager 200 120 4 39 The Bulle 200 120 5 42 The Lyone 140 140 2 48 The George 60 40 2 26 The Dragone 140 120 3 42

PYNNASSES AT PORTESMOUTH.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces. The Fawcone 83 55 4 22 The Black Pynnes 80 44 2 15 The Hynde 80 55 2 26 The Spannyshe Shallop 20 26 2 7 The Hare 15 30 2 10

ROW-BARGES AT PORTESMOUTH.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces.

The Sonne 20 40 2 6 The Cloude in the Sonne 20 40 2 7 The Harpe 20 40 1 6 The Maidenheade 20 37 1 6 The Gilly Flowre 20 38 1 6 The Ostredge Flowre 20 37 1 6 The Roose Slipe 20 37 2 6 The Flower de lewce 20 43 2 7 The Rose in the Sonne 20 38 1 6 The Port quilice 20 38 1 6 The Fawcone in the Fetterlock 20 45 3 8

DEPTFORD STRAND.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces. The Graunde Mrs 450 250 1 22 The Marlyon 40 50 4 8 The Galley Subtill, or Roo Galley 200 250 3 28 The Brickgantyne 40 44 3 19 The Hoye barke 80 60 3 5 The Hawthorne 20 37 3 5

IN SCOTLAND.

Tons. Soldiers. Brass Iron Pieces. Pieces.

The Mary Hamborrow 400 246 5 67 The Phɶnix 40 50 4 33 The Saker 40 50 2 18 The Doble Roose 0 43 3 6

Tons. Nombre of Men. Totale Number of Ships, &c. 53 6255 Soldiers 1885 Maryners 5136 Gonners 759 ---- 7780

APPENDIX No. 6.

Vol. ii. p. 177.

“A note of all the Shipps that’s bound for Turkey out of England, and the Burden of them and the Captaynes Names as followeth:

THE KING’S MATIES SHIPPS.

Tunns Capt.

The Lyon 668 Sir Robert Mansell The Vantgard 661 Sir Rich. Hawkins The Raine bow 661 Sir Tho. Batten. The Reformation 620 Cap. Manering. The Destine 550 Cap. Love. The Anthelopp 443 Sir Hen. Palmer.

THE MARCHANTS.

The Low fenex 300 Cap. Cave. The Hercules 300 Cap. Pennington. The Samuell 300 Cap. Harris. The Hector 300 Cap. Towerson. The Neptune 300 Cap. Haughton. The Bonaventure 300 Cap. Chidlie. The Centurion 250 Sir Fra. Tanfield. The Marigold 250 Sir John Fearns. The Primrose 180 Sir John Handen. The Barbery 180 Cap. Porter. The Restore 130 Cap. Raymond. The George 130 Cap. Pett. The Robert 100 Cap. Gyles. The Marmaduke 100 Cap. Harbest.”

APPENDIX No. 7. VOL. ii. p. 433.

MERSEY DOCKS AND HARBOUR BOARD.

Tabular Statement, showing the Water Area, Quay Space, Width of Entrance, and Depth of Sill for each of the Liverpool and Birkenhead Docks, with particulars of the Graving Docks, Open Basins, Landing Stages, and Gridirons.

JANUARY, 1872.

The Old Dock Sill is the Datum to which all Levels refer, and is preserved on a Tide Gauge at the West side of the Centre Pier of the Entrances to the Canning Half-Tide Dock.

The Old Dock contained an Area of 3 acres 1890 yards, and 557 lineal yards of Quay Space.

Its Passage contained an Area of 3 acres 675 yards, and 90 lineal yards of Quay Space.

LIVERPOOL DOCKS. ------------------------------+------------------+----------+----------+---------+---------- | Position | Sill |Coping at | | LIVERPOOL DOCKS. | and Width of | below | Hollow | Water | Lineal | Entrance | Datum. | Quoins | Area. | Quayage. | or Passage. | |above Dtm.| | ------------------------------+------------------+----------+----------+---------+---------- | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. |Ac. Yds. |Miles Yds. North Carrier’s Dock | West 40 0 | 6 0 | 27 0 | 2 3423 | 0 641 South Carrier’s Dock | West 40 0 | 6 0 | 27 0 | 1 4515 | 0 615 Canada Half-Tide Dock | West 60 0 | 7 9 | 28 0 | 11 1010 | 0 1002 Do. do. | South 80 0 | 7 9 | 28 0 | .. | .. Do. (Lock 110 feet long) | N. West 32 0 | 6 0 | 28 0 | .. | .. Do. do. | S. West 20 0 | 6 0 | 28 0 | .. | .. Canada Lock (498 ft. long) | 100 0 | 7 9 | 28 0 | 1 3479 | 0 487 Canada Dock | S. East 50 0 | 6 6 | 29 0 | 17 4043 | 0 1272 Do. | S. West 80 0 | 6 6 | 29 0 | .. | .. Huskisson Dock | .. .. | .. | .. | 14 3451 | 0 1039 Huskisson Branch Dock. | .. .. | .. | .. | 7 592 | 0 910 Huskisson Lock (338 ft. long) | East 80 0 | 6 6 | 38 0 | 0 4682 | 0 342 Do. | West 45 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 0 3650 | 0 330 Sandon Dock | West 70 0 | 6 6 | 30 11 | 10 100 | 0 867 Wellington Half-Tide Dock. | East 70 0 | 6 9 | 30 9 | 3 813 | 0 400 Do. do. | West 50 0 | 6 6 | 28 0 | .. | .. Wellington Dock | West 70 0 | 6 6 | 31 0 | 7 4120 | 0 820 Bramley-Moore Dock | North 60 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 9 3106 | 0 935 Do. | South 60 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | .. | .. Nelson Dock | South 60 0 | 6 6 | 26 0 | 7 4786 | 0 803 Stanley Dock | West 51 0 | 5 8 | 29 0 | 7 120 | 0 753 Do. | Canal 18 0 | 2 6 | 29 0 | .. | .. Canal Basin, let to } | West 18 0 | O.D.S. | 26 0 | 0 920 | 0 110 Bridgewater Trust } | | | | | Collingwood Dock | West 60 0 | 6 9 | 26 0 | 5 244 | 0 553 Do. | Canal 18 0 | 2 6 | 26 0 | .. | .. Salisbury Dock | West | | | | Do. | {North 60 0 | 6 11 | 26 0 | 3 2146 | 0 406 Do. | {South 50 0 | 6 11 | 26 6 | .. | .. Do. | {Lock 18 0 | 2 6 | 26 0 | .. | .. Clarence Graving Dock Basin | North 45 0 | 4 9 | 26 0 | 1 1056 | 0 291 Do. Do. | South 45 0 | 4 6 | 26 6 | .. | .. Clarence Half-Tide Dock | West 50 0 | 5 0 | 26 8 | 4 1794 | 0 635 Clarence Dock | West 47 0 | 3 2 | 26 0 | 6 273 | 0 914 Trafalgar Lock | North 45 0 | 6 7 | 23 10 | 0 2937 | 0 256 Trafalgar Dock | North 45 0 | 6 7 | 21 11 | 5 4546 | 0 764 Victoria Dock | North 45 0 | 4 11 | 21 11 | 5 3559 | 0 755 Do | South 50 0 | 6 6 | 26 0 | .. | .. Waterloo Dock | South 60 0 | 8 0 | 22 1 | 3 2146 | 0 533 Corn Warehouse Dock | South 60 0 | 8 0 | 22 1 | 2 3375 | 0 506 Half-Tide Dock to do. | West | | | | Do. | {North 65 0 | 8 0 | 31 0 | 4 3250 | 0 429 Do. Lock (110 ft. long) | {Middle 32 0 | 8 0 | 31 0 | .. | .. Do. | {South 65 0 | 8 0 | 31 0 | .. | .. Prince’s Dock | North 45 0 | 5 11 | 27 5 | 11 1490 | 0 1178 George’s Dock | .. .. | .. | .. | 5 154 | 0 645 George’s Dock Passage | South 40 3 | 4 6 | 24 5 | 0 2439 | 0 356 | |Sill above| | | | | Datum. | | | Manchester Dock | {West 32 10 | 0 3 | 23 3 | 1 595 | 0 339 | { |Sill below| | | | { | Datum. | | | Manchester Lock (86 ft. long) | {West 33 8 | 3 9 | 24 3 | 0 315 | 0 57 Canning Dock | West 45 0 | 6 1 | 26 2 | 4 376 | 0 585 Canning Half-Tide Dock | West | | | | Do. Do. | {North 45 0 | 6 3 | 28 3 | 2 2688 | 0 429 Do. Do. | {South 45 0 | 6 3 | 28 3 | .. | .. Albert Dock | North 45 0 | 6 4 | 26 0 | 7 3542 | 0 885 Do. | East 45 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | .. | .. Salthouse Dock | North 45 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 6 2019 | 0 784 Wapping Basin | North 50 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 1 3151 | 0 454 Do. | South 50 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | .. | .. Do. | West 40 0 | 6 0 | 25 0 | .. | .. Wapping Dock | West 50 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 5 499 | 0 815 Do. | South 50 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | .. | .. King’s Dock | South 42 0 | 5 0 | 26 1 | 7 3896 | 0 875 Queen’s Half-Tide Dock. | West | | | | Do. Do. | {North 70 0 | 6 9 | 31 0 | 3 3542 | 0 445 Do. Do. | {South 50 0 | 6 9 | 31 0 | .. | .. Queen’s Dock | West 50 0 | 6 0 | 26 0 | 10 1564 | 0 1214 Do. | South 60 0 | 6 6 | 28 9 | .. | .. Coburg Dock | West 70 0 | 6 0 | 30 6 | 8 26 | 0 1053 Brunswick Dock | North 60 0 | 6 6 | 27 0 | 12 3010 | 0 1086 Do. | West 42 0 | 5 6 | 26 0 | .. | .. Brunswick Half-Tide Dock | West 45 0 | 6 0 | 26 6 | 1 3388 | 0 491 Toxteth Dock | West 40 0 | 5 0 | 26 0 | 1 469 | 0 393 Harrington Dock | West 29 9 | 1 2 | 23 1 | 0 3740 | 0 315 Herculaneum Half-Tide Dock | North 80 0 | 8 0 | 31 0 | 3 3000 | 0 416 Do. Do. | South 60 0 | 8 0 | 31 0 | .. | .. +---------+---------- Total Water Area and Quay Space of the Liverpool Docks |243 1559 | 17 263 -----------------------------------------------------------------------+---------+----------

LIVERPOOL BASINS. +----------------------+-----------+----------+------------+------------+ | | | Height | | | | LIVERPOOL BASINS. | Width of | of Piers | Water | Lineal | | | Entrance. | above | Area. | Quayage. | | | | Datum. | | | +----------------------+-----------+----------+------------+------------| | | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Acres Yds. | Miles Yds. | | Canada Basin | 250 0 | 32 0 | 6 4528 | 0 546 | | Sandon Basin | 200 0 | 31 0 | 6 904 | 0 702 | | George’s Ferry Basin | 67 0 | 23 8 | 0 1344 | 0 160 | | Chester Basin | 36 0 | 22 2 | 0 2568 | 0 288 | | South Ferry Basin | 60 0 | 30 6 | 0 2927 | 0 205 | | Harrington Basin | 40 0 | 23 3 | 0 3917 | 0 308 | | Herculaneum Basin | 40 0 | 26 0 | 0 2200 | 0 204 | | +-----------+----------+------------+------------| | Total Water Area and Quay Space of the } | 15 3868 | 1 653 | | Liverpool Basins } | | | | Do. do. do. Docks | 243 1559 | 17 263 | | +------------+------------+ | Total | 259 587 | 18 916 | +---------------------------------------------+------------+------------+

+-----------------------------------------------------------+ | AREA OF THE DOCK ESTATE. | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Liverpool 1,032 Acres. | | Birkenhead 506 Acres. | | ----- | | Total 1,538 Acres. | +-----------------------------------------------------------+

BIRKENHEAD DOCKS. ------------------------------+------------------+----------+----------+---------+---------- | Position | Sill |Coping at | | BIRKENHEAD DOCKS. | and Width of | below | Hollow | Water | Lineal | Entrance | Datum. | Quoins | Area. | Quayage. | or Passage. | |above Dtm.| | ------------------------------+------------------+----------+----------+----------+--------- | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ac. Yds. |Miles Yds. WEST FLOAT | .. .. | .. | .. | 52 19 | 2 210 Basin near Canada Works | West 50 0 | .. | .. | 1 2554 | 0 543 Do. do. | East 50 0 | .. | .. | 1 84 | 0 390 Duke Street Passage | 100 0 | 7 6 | 26 6 | .. | .. EAST FLOAT | .. .. | .. | .. | 59 3786 | 1 1506 Corn Warehouse Dock | 30 0 | O.D.S. | 26 0 | 1 453 | 0 555 Railway Companies’ Basin | .. .. | .. | .. | 0 606 | 0 113 Lock from Low-Water Basin } | 50 0 | .. | 26 0 | 0 1333 | 0 234 238 feet long } | | | | | Inner Sill | .. .. | 9 0 | .. | .. | .. Outer Sills | .. .. | 12 0 | .. | .. | .. Inner Northern Entrances | North 100 0 | 9 0 | 26 0 | .. | 0 242 Lock 198 feet long | Middle 30 0 | .. | 26 0 | 0 667 | 0 264 Inner Sill | .. .. | 9 0 | .. | .. | .. Outer Sills | .. .. | 12 0 | .. | .. | .. Lock 274 feet long | South 50 0 | .. | 26 0 | 0 522 | 0 300 Inner Sill | .. .. | 9 0 | .. | .. | .. Outer Sills | .. .. | 12 0 | .. | .. | .. Alfred Dock | .. .. | .. | .. | 8 2922 | 0 482 Outer Northern Entrances— | | | | | Lock 348 feet long | North 100 0 | 12 0 | 31 0 | 0 3888 | 0 352 Lock 198 feet long | Middle 30 0 | 12 0 | 26 0 | 0 667 | 0 377 Lock 398 feet long | South 50 0 | 12 0 | 26 0 | 0 2222 | 0 391 Egerton Dock | West 70 0 | 7 4 | 25 0 | 3 4011 | 0 754 Morpeth Dock | West 70 0 | 5 5 | 25 0 | 11 2404 | 0 1299 Railway Companies’ Basin | South 25 0 | O.D.S. | 26 0 | 0 3144 | 0 319 Morpeth Branch Dock | West 85 0 | .. | 26 0 | 4 243 | 0 637 Morpeth Lock 398 feet long | River 85 0 | 12 0 | 26 0 | 0 3777 | 0 441 +----------+--------- Total Water Area and Quay Space of the Birkenhead Docks | 147 722 | 8 609 -----------------------------------------------------------------------+----------+---------

BIRKENHEAD BASINS. +----------------------+-----------+----------+------------+------------| | | | Height | | | | BIRKENHEAD BASINS. | Width of | of Piers | Water | Lineal | | | Entrance. | above | Area. | Quayage. | | | | Datum. | | | +----------------------+-----------+----------+------------+------------| | | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Acres Yds. | Miles Yds. | | Low-Water Basin | 300 0 | 26 0 | 14 0 | 0 1360 | | North Basin | 500 0 | 31 0 | 4 2843 | 0 689 | | +------------+------------| | Total Water Area and Quay Space of the } | 18 2843 | 1 269 | | Birkenhead Basins } | | | | Do. do. do. Docks | 147 722 | 8 609 | | +------------+------------| | Total | 165 3565 | 9 878 | +---------------------------------------------+------------+------------+

TOTAL AREA OF THE LIVERPOOL AND BIRKENHEAD DOCKS AND BASINS. +---------------------------------------------+------------+------------+ | | Acres Yds. | Miles Yds. | | Total Water Area and Quay Space of the } | | | | Liverpool Docks and Basins } | 259 587 | 18 916 | | | | | | Total Water Area and Quay Space of the } | | | | Birkenhead Docks and Basins } | 165 3565 | 9 878 | | +------------+------------+ | Total | 424 4152 | 28 34 | +---------------------------------------------+------------+------------+

LEVELS OF TIDES AT LIVERPOOL.

Derived from the Record of the Self-Registering Gauge at George’s Pier deduced from Ten Years’ Observations, 1854 to 1863. Datum Old Dock Sill. ------------------------------------------------------+-------------+--------- | Ft. In. | An extraordinary High Tide, as marked on the } | 25 0 | { Above Leasowe Lighthouse } | | { Datum. An extraordinary High Tide, 20 January, 1863 | 23 9 | ” Average High-Water Mark of Equinoctial Spring Tides. | 21 1 | ” Average High Water of Spring Tides, including | | Equinoctial Tides | 19 0½ | ” Average High-Water Mark of Ordinary Spring Tides, | | excluding the Equinoctial Tides | 18 10 | ” Mean High-Water Level | 15 6 | ” Highest High-Water Mark of Neap Tides | 14 8 | ” Average High-Water Mark of Ordinary Neap Tides | 11 7 | ” Lowest High-Water Mark of Neap Tides | 8 7 | ” Mean Tide Level (Ordnance Datum) | 5 0 | ” Highest Low-Water Mark of Neap Tides | 4 1 | ” Average Low-Water Mark of Ordinary Neap Tides | 1 5 | { Below | | { Datum. Lowest Low-Water Mark of Neap Tides | 3 10 | ” Mean Low-Water Level | 5 6 | ” Average Low-Water Mark of Ordinary Spring Tides, | | exclusive of Equinoctial Tides | 8 8 | ” Average Low-Water Mark of Spring Tides, inclusive of | | Equinoctial Tides | 8 10 | ” Lowest Low-Water Mark of Equinoctial Spring Tides | 10 4 | ” ------------------------------------------------------+-------------+---------

LIVERPOOL GRAVING DOCKS. -----------------------------+------------------+---------+---------+---------+--------- | Position | Sill |Coping at| Length | Total LIVERPOOL GRAVING DOCKS. | and Width of | below | Hollow | of | Length | Entrance. | Datum. | Quoins | Floor. | of | | | above | | Floor. | | | Dtm. | | -----------------------------+-----------------+----------+---------+---------+--------- | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. Canada Lock as a Graving Dock| 100 0 | 7 9 | 28 0 | .. | 588 0 Huskisson Lock as a Graving | | | | | Dock | 80 0 | 6 6 | 38 0 | .. | 395 0 Sandon Graving Docks, No. 1 |East 60 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | No. 2 |East 70 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | No. 3 |East 60 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | No. 4 |East 70 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | No. 5 |East 45 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | No. 6 |West 45 0 | 3 6 | 26 0 | 565 0 | | | | +---------+ 3390 0 Clarence Graving Docks, No. 1|N. Outer 45 0 | 3 0 | 26 6 | 451 0 | |N. Inner 45 0 | 0 6 | 18 0 | 289 0 | No. 2|S. Outer 45 0 | 3 0 | 26 6 | 454 0 | |S. Inner 32 0 | 0 6 | 18 0 | 286 0 | | |Sill above| +---------+ 1480 0 | | Datum. | | | | | | | | Canning Graving Docks, No. 1 |North 35 9 | 1 8½ | 23 3 | 436 0 | | |Sill below| | | | | Datum. | | | No. 2 |South 35 9 | 0 0½ | 23 3½ | 482 0 | | | | +---------+ 918 0 Queen’s Graving Docks, No. 1 |East 42 0 | 1 8¼ | 27 7¾ | 465 0 | No. 2 |West 70 0 | 3 6 | 27 5 | 467 0 | | | | +---------+ 932 0 Brunswick Graving Dks. No. 1 |East 41 0 | 2 6 | 26 6 | 460 0 | No. 2 |West 41 6 | 2 6 | 26 6 | 462 0 | | | | +---------| 922 0 Herculaneum Grvg. Dks. No. 1 |West 60 0 | 4 0 | 26 0 | 758 6 | No. 2 |East 60 0 | 4 0 | 26 0 | 753 0 | | | | +---------+ 1511 6 +--------- Total Length of Floor of the Liverpool Graving Docks |10136 6 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------+---------

BIRKENHEAD GRAVING DOCKS. -----------------------------+-----------------+----------+---------+---------+-------- | Position and | Sill |Coping at| Length | Total BIRKENHEAD GRAVING DOCKS. | Width of | under | Hollow | of |Length of | Entrance. | Datum. | Quoins | Floor. | Floor. | | |abv. Dtm.| | -----------------------------+-----------------+----------+---------+---------+-------- | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. | Ft. In. Morpeth Lock as a Graving | | | | | Dock | 85 0 | 12 0 | 26 0 | .. | 468 0 West Float No. 2 | East 50 0 | 7 9 | 25 0 | 750 0 | .. No. 3 | West 85 0 | 7 9 | 25 0 | 750 0 | 1500 0 | | | +---------+--------- Total Length of Floor of the Birkenhead Graving Docks | 1968 0 Ditto of the Liverpool Graving Docks | 10136 6 +--------- Total | 12104 6 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------+---------

LIVERPOOL GRIDIRONS. -----------------------------------------------------------+----------+------- | Breadth |Length. GRIDIRONS. | of | | Gridiron.| -----------------------------------------------------------+-----------+------- | Ft. In. |Ft. In. Clarence Graving Dock Basin—The Blocks are laid 2 feet } | 25 6 | 313 6 2 inches below the Datum at the South end of the } | | Gridiron, and 3 inches below at the North end } | | | | King’s Pier—The Blocks are laid at the level of the Datum | 26 0 | 509 0 +------- Total Length of the Liverpool Gridirons | 822 6 ----------------------------------------------------------------------+-------

LANDING STAGES.

Liverpool.—Prince’s Stage 1002 6 long; 80 wide, 4 Bridges from the shore. George’s Stage 505 0 long; 80 wide, 2 Bridges from the shore.

Birkenhead.—Low Water } 1040 0 long; 50 & 2 Bridges from the shore. Basin Stage } 35 wide, Woodside Stage 800 0 long; 80 wide, 2 Bridges from the shore.

NOTE.—The South end of the Woodside Stage, for a length of 300 feet, including one of the Bridges, is appropriated to the use of the Birkenhead Commissioners. The 500 feet Northwards, and the other Bridge, is under the superintendence of the Dock Board. In connection with this stage there is a Floating Bridge, 678 feet in length by 30 feet in width, by means of which an easy incline for Carriage Traffic is maintained at all times of the Tide.

--------------------------------+---------------+-----------------+--------+----------- DOCKS BELONGING TO THE | | LEVEL OF SILL. |Level of| CORPORATION OF LIVERPOOL | Width of +--------+--------+ Coping | Water AND OTHERS. | Entrance. | Above | Below | above | Area. | | Datum. | Datum. | Datum. | --------------------------------+---------------+--------+--------+--------+----------- The Corporation of Liverpool. | Ft. In. | Ft. In.| Ft. In.| Ft. In.| Acres Yds. | | | | | The River Craft Dock | Outer 30 0 | 0 3 | .. | 25 4 | 1 3416 Lock, and Eagle Basin | Inner 30 0 | 1 3 | .. | 25 10 | .. Ditto Anderton Basin | .. 40 0 | .. | .. | .. | 0 1198 | | | | | The Trustees of the late | | | | | Duke of Bridgewater. | | | | | | | | | | Duke’s Dock | Outer 40 0 | .. | 4 6 | 25 6 | 2 1336 | Middle 28 10 | 0 6 | .. | 22 9 | .. | Inner 40 0 | .. | 6 0 | 25 0 | .. Ditto Egerton Dock | .. 20 0 | 0 6 | .. | 23 0 | 0 2700 | | | | | The London & North-Western | | | | | Railway Company. | | | | | | | | | | Garston Dock | North 20 0 | .. | 6 0 | 26 0 | 6 1200 | South 50 0 | .. | .. | .. | .. +----------- | 11 170 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Leeds and Liverpool Canal is in communication with Stanley Dock through Four Locks and Five intermediate Basins. The Locks are each 81 feet long by 16 feet 6 inches wide, and the Total Rise is 46 feet 6 inches. The Level of the Water in the Canal is 58 feet above the Datum.

APPENDIX No. 8, VOL. ii. p. 448.

Extracts from the Ship’s Charter party, which requires the attention of the Commanders and Officers in the Maritime Service of the East India Company.

58. The commander to give notice to the secretary, in writing, when the ship arrives at Gravesend, outward bound.

59. The commander also to give notice to the secretary at the expiration of the time limited for the stay of the ship at Gravesend, or in the Hope, outward bound.

60. The Company are to have liberty to survey the ship at any time, and to lay by for their surveyors, who are to be civilly treated, and to be provided with reasonable and convenient food and lodging.

61. The ship not carrying the full number of guns, the commander and owners to forfeit for each gun wanting, 40l., and not to be disposed of without leave of the Company’s servants to whom the ship is consigned. The owners and commander to forfeit 100l. for every gun sold, and the commander rendered incapable of continuing in the service.

62. The commander or master to obey the Company’s orders during the voyage, and also committees appointed by them, or their governors, president, agents, chief factors, or assigns.

63. The master or officers displaced (or by decease), the next in rank to succeed him.

64. The command, or any office in the ship, not to be bought, or sold.

65. An order of encouragement, to the following effect, to be put up in the ship, and to be continued during the voyage.

66. “The Court of Directors of the United Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies, being willing to encourage the mariners of all their ships to be just to the said Company, and careful of their effects and trade, and observant of all injuries done or doing thereto, as also to animate them to defend their said ships and their estates on board, in case they should be assaulted by any enemy, do hereby declare that they will allow and pay the following rewards, at the return of the ship from the East Indies, into the River Thames, and finishing this present voyage; that is to say, to every seaman that shall prevent any wilful and malicious damage to any part of the said Company’s effects, or shall save the same from being lost, a reward suitable to their merit therein. To the widow, children, father or mother of every seaman that shall lose his life in the defence of the ship, as aforesaid, thirty pounds. To every seaman that shall lose a leg or arm, or both, in such defence, thirty pounds. To every seaman that shall receive any other wound, such sum of money as the said Court of Directors shall think fit, upon producing a certificate from their commander or superior officer, touching their merits. That every seaman so wounded in defence of the ship shall be cured of his wounds at the charge of the said Company and owners.”

67. The ship to touch at such places as shall be ordered; receive in and deliver out any goods.

68. The ship not to touch at any place, but what ordered to touch at; or to take any foreign coin or bullion, goods or provisions, at any place short of her consigned port, without an especial licence from the Court of Directors. Penalty, the forfeiture of the goods, and 100l. per day for detention of the ship.

69. The cargo to be stowed in the best manner, to prevent damage; and disposed of in the ship in such manner and in such places as will not lumber or incommode her working, or render her incapable of defence.

70. No goods are to be shot loose in the hold, nor any luggs to be cut off the bales, under penalty of the Company paying but half the freight of goods thus damaged; and bales not to be opened without giving notice, under penalty of 10l.; for pepper shot loose between decks, the freight will not be paid for.

71. The ship to make no deviation, and the whole cargo to be delivered into the Company’s warehouses.

72. The ship, if she touch at the island of Ascension or St. Helena, must not sail without leave of the governor and council. Penalty, 200l.

73. The ship not to touch at Barbadoes, or any port in America, or any of the Western Islands, or Plymouth, or put into any port of England or Ireland, without orders (unavoidable dangers of the sea excepted). Penalty, 500l.

74. The commander, chief and second mates to keep journals of the ship’s daily proceedings, from her first taking in cargo in the River Thames to her return and discharge of her cargo in England, and of the wind and weather, and all remarkable transactions, accidents, and occurrences during the whole voyage; also of everything received into and delivered from the ship; and are afterwards to be delivered to the Company on oath, if required.

75. No unlicensed goods to be carried in the ship; or to take any passengers without leave.

76. The ship to have her complement of men during the voyage.

77. That it shall not be lawful for the master of the ship, or any other officer of the ship, to furnish any of the seamen with money, liquor, provisions beyond the value of one-third of what the wages of such seaman shall amount to at the time of furnishing the same.

78. The paymaster to be appointed by the Company, and owners to pay seamen’s wives, etc., one month’s wages in six.

79. The commander to have the use of the great cabin, unless for the use of the Company’s servants.

80. That the part-owners or master do send in the ship the value of 500l. in foreign coins or bullion (the same to be weighed in and passed through the Company’s Bullion Office), to be made use of for extraordinary expenses during the voyage. Penalty, 20l. per cent.

81. The commander to be supplied with 200l. per month, by way of impress or provisions, while in India or China.

82. The Company to pay for the hire of Lascars, in the room of seamen employed in India.

APPENDIX No. 9. VOL. ii. p. 458.

Ships belonging to or in the service of the East India Company burnt, lost, taken, or otherwise destroyed, from the year 1700 to the year 1819.

------+------------------------+------+---------------- Date. | Ships’ Names. | Tons.| By what Means. ------+------------------------+------+---------------- 1702 | Queen | 320 | Taken. 1703 | Neptune | 275 | Lost. -- | Dover | 180 | Taken. 1704 | Hester | 350 | Lost. -- | Albemarle | 320 | Lost. 1705 | Edward and Dudley | 300 | Taken. -- | Bombay | 300 | Blown up. 1707 | Herbert | 210 | Taken. -- | Dispatch | 110 | Blown up. 1708 | Godolphin | 280 | Lost. -- | New George | 400 | Taken. 1709 | Sherborne | 400 | Lost. 1709 | Dutchess | 430 | Taken. -- | Phɶnix | 400 | Lost. 1710 | Jane | 180 | Taken. 1711 | Blenheim | 250 | Burnt. 1715 | Catherine | 350 | Lost. 1716 | Success | 250 | Lost. 1718 | Vansittart | 480 | Lost. 1719 | St. George | 480 | Lost. -- | King George | 450 | Lost. -- | Cassandria | 380 | Taken. -- | Chandos | 480 | Lost. 1720 | Addison | 400 | Lost. -- | Dartmouth | 400 | Lost. 1721 | Nightingale | 480 | Lost. 1729 | Berrington | 440 | Lost. 1731 | Eyles | 400 | Lost. 1733 | Oakham | 480 | Burnt. 1734 | Derby | 480 | Taken. 1735 | Pelham | 480 | Lost. -- | Compton | 480 | Burnt. 1736 | Deckar | 490 | Lost. -- | Sussex | 490 | Lost. -- | Newcastle | 495 | Lost. -- | Devonshire | 495 | Lost. 1737 | Resolution | 495 | Lost. -- | Anglesea | 490 | Lost. 1738 | Normanton | 495 | Lost. 1741 | Grantham | 495 | Lost. 1742 | Princess Louisa | 498 | Lost. 1743 | Nottingham | 498 | Lost. -- | Northampton | 498 | Lost. 1744 | Prince of Orange | 495 | Lost. -- | Princess Mary | 498 | Taken. 1745 | Princess Amelia | 498 | Taken. 1746 | Heathcote | 498 | Lost. -- | Winchelsea | 498 | Lost. -- | Anson | 499 | Taken. 1747 | Lincoln | 498 | Lost. -- | Dolphin | 370 | Lost. 1749 | Duke of Cumberland | 499 | Lost. -- | Lynn | 499 | Lost. 1754 | Doddington | 499 | Lost. 1756 | Grantham | 499 | Taken. -- | York | 499 | Lost. 1756 | Expedition | 350 | Taken. 1759 | Streatham | 499 | Lost. 1760 | Denham | 499 | Taken. 1761 | Griffin | 499 | Lost. 1762 | Walpole | 499 | Taken. 1763 | Elizabeth | 499 | Burnt. 1764 | Earl of Holderness | 499 | Lost. -- | Ajax | 499 | Lost. -- | Earl Temple | 499 | Lost. -- | Winchelsea | 499 | Lost. 1765 | Albion | 499 | Lost. 1766 | Falmouth | 499 | Lost. 1767 | Lord Clive | 499 | Lost. 1768 | Earl of Chatham | 499 | Lost. 1769 | Lord Holland | 499 | Lost. 1771 | Verelet | 499 | Lost. 1772 | Duke of Albany | 499 | Lost. 1773 | Lord Mansfield | 499 | Lost. -- | Royal Captain | 499 | Lost. 1774 | Huntingdon | 499 | Lost. 1777 | Marquis of Rockingham | 758 | Lost. 1778 | Colebrooke | 723 | Lost. -- | London | 723 | Lost. 1779 | Valentine | 676 | Lost. -- | Osterley | 758 | Taken. -- | Stafford | 804 | Lost. 1780 | Royal George | 758 |} Taken by the -- | Hillsborough | 723 |} combined Fleets -- | Mountstuart | 758 |} of France and -- | Gatton | 758 |} Spain, August -- | Godfrey | 716 |} 9th, 1780. 1781 | General Barker | 758 | Lost. 1782 | Earl Dartmouth | 758 | Lost. -- | Grosvenor | 729 | Lost. -- | Fortitude | 758 | Taken. -- | Earl of Hertford | 758 | Lost. -- | Brilliant | 703 | Lost. 1783 | Blandford | 606 | Taken. -- | Hitchinbrooke | 528 | Lost. -- | Duke of Athol | 755 | Burnt. -- | Fairford | 755 | Burnt. -- | Duke of Kingston | 723 | Burnt. 1784 | Major | 755 | Burnt. 1785 | Montague | 755 | Blown up. 1786 | Halsewell | 758 | Lost. 1787 | Hartwell | 937 | Lost. -- | Mars | 696 | Lost. 1789 | Vansittart | 828 | Lost. 1791 | Foulis | 765 | Never heard of. 1792 | Winterton | 771 | Lost. 1793 | Princess Royal | 805 | Taken. 1794 | Pigot | 765 | Taken. 1796 | Triton | 800 | Taken. -- | Dutton | 761 |} -- | Ganges | 784 |} Lost on the West -- | Middlesex | 852 |} India Expedition. -- | Pousborne | 804 |} 1797 | Ocean | 1189 | Lost. -- | Martha | 406 | Lost. 1798 | Princess Amelia | 808 | Burnt. -- | Raymond | 793 | Taken. -- | Woodcot | 802 | Taken. -- | Henry Addington | 1200 | Lost. 1799 | Earl Fitzwilliam | 803 | Burnt. -- | Osterley | 755 | Taken and retaken. 1800 | Queen | 801 | Burnt. -- | Kent | 820 | Taken. -- | Earl Talbot | 1200 | Foundered. 1803 | Culland’s Grove | 576 | Taken. -- | Lord Nelson | 820 | Taken and retaken. -- | Hindostan | 1248 | Lost. -- | Prince of Wales | 820 | Foundered. -- | Admiral Aplin | 558 | Taken. -- | Comet | 529 | Taken. 1804 | Princess Charlotte | 610 | Taken. -- | Brunswick | 1200 | Taken. 1805 | Earl of Abergavenny | 1200 | Lost. -- | Warren Hastings | 1200 | Taken and retaken. -- | Ganges | 1200 | Lost. -- | Britannia | 770 | Lost. 1806 | Lady Burges | 820 | Lost. -- | Fame | 492 | Taken. -- | Shelton Castle | 584 | Foundered. 1808 | Lord Nelson | 818 |} -- | Glory | 549 |} Foundered. -- | Experiment | 502 |} -- | Walpole | 820 | Lost. -- | Travers | 577 | Lost. 1809 | Britannia | 1200 | Lost. -- | Admiral Gardner | 813 | Lost. -- | Calcutta | 819 |} -- | Jane, Duchess of Gordon| 820 |} -- | Bengal | 818 |} Foundered. -- | Lady Jane Dundas. | 820 |} 1809 | Europe | 820 |}Taken and retaken. -- | Streatham | 819 |} -- | Asia | 820 | Lost. -- | Windham | 820 | Taken and retaken. -- | United Kingdom | 820 |}Taken. -- | Charlton | 818 |} -- | True Briton | 1198 | Foundered. 1810 | Earl Camden | 1200 | Burnt. -- | Ocean | 1200 | Foundered. -- | Ceylon | 818 | Taken and retaken. 1812 | Harriet | 549 | Burnt. 1813 | Euphrates | 596 | Lost. -- | Marquis Wellesley | 820 | Lost. -- | Earl Howe | 876 | Lost. -- | William Pitt | 572 | Foundered. 1814 | Devonshire | 820 | Lost. 1815 | Bengal | 950 | Burnt. 1817 | Elphinstone | 1200 | Burnt. 1818 | Cabalva | 1200 | Lost. -----+------------------------+------+----------------

APPENDIX No. 10. VOL. ii. p. 462.

A list of Ships belonging to or chartered by the East India Company, in 1820, where built, tonnage, and number of guns and men.

---------------------+---------------------+--------+------+---- Ship’s Name. |Where and when built.|Tonnage.| Guns.| Men. ---------------------+-------------+-------+--------+------+---- Apollo |Paul | 1812 | 693 | 12 | 65 Asia |Barnard’s | 1811 | 1012 | 26 | 115 Astell |Mestaer’s | 1810 | 871 | 26 | 100 Atlas |Paul | 1812 | 1291 | 26 | 130 Bombay |Bombay | 1809 | 1246 | 26 | 130 Bridgewater |Brent’s | 1812 | 1339 | 26 | 130 Buckinghamshire |Bombay | 1816 | 1369 | 26 | 130 Canning |Wigram’s | 1817 | 1326 | 26 | 130 Carnatic |Perry’s | 1808 | 863 | 26 | 102 Castle Huntly |Bengal | 1812 | 1274 | 26 | 130 Charles Grant |Bombay | 1810 | 1252 | 26 | 130 Cornwall |Bengal | 1811 | 798 | 12 | 75 Dorsetshire |Barnard’s | 1799 | 1268 | 16 | 110 Duke of York |Wigram’s | 1817 | 1327 | 26 | 130 Dunira |Barnard’s | 1817 | 1325 | 26 | 130 Earl of Balcarras |Bombay | 1815 | 1417 | 26 | 130 Essex |Perry’s | 1812 | 1352 | 26 | 130 General Harris |Brent’s | 1812 | 1339 | 26 | 130 General Hewitt |Bengal | 1811 | 894 | 26 | 110 General Kyd |Bengal | 1813 | 1327 | 26 | 130 Herefordshire |Bombay | 1813 | 1342 | 26 | 130 Inglis |Penang | 1811 | 1321 | 26 | 130 Kellie Castle |Wigram’s | 1818 | 1350 | 26 | 130 Lady Campbell |River | 1816 | 684 | 12 | 65 Lady Melville |Wigram’s | 1813 | 1321 | 26 | 130 Larkins |India | 1807 | 676 | 12 | 60 London |Pitcher’s | 1817 | 1352 | 26 | 130 Lord Castlereagh |Randall’s | 1802 | 847 | 26 | 110 Lowther Castle |Pitcher’s | 1811 | 1507 | 26 | 130 Marchioness of Ely |Well’s | 1802 | 1016 | 26 | 115 Marquis Camden |Pitcher’s | 1812 | 1329 | 26 | 130 Marquis of Ely |Perry’s | 1801 | 1316 | 12 | 115 Marquis of Huntly |Brent’s | 1811 | 1348 | 26 | 130 Marquis of Wellington|Barnard’s | 1812 | 1033 | 26 | 115 Matilda |India | 1803 | 774 | 12 | 75 Minerva |Bombay | 1813 | 976 | 26 | 115 Moffatt |India | 1804 | 846 | 12 | 75 Orwell |Ipswich | 1817 | 1335 | 26 | 130 Prince Regent |Barnard’s | 1811 | 1036 | 26 | 115 Perseverance |Pitcher’s | 1801 | 1335 | 26 | 130 Phɶnix |Barnard’s | 1814 | 887 | 26 | 102 Princess Amelia |Barnard’s | 1808 | 1319 | 26 | 130 Princess Charlotte } | | | | | of Wales } |Dudman’s | 1812 | 1016 | 26 | 115 Regent |Bengal | 1811 | 910 | 12 | 90 Rose |Well’s | 1811 | 1024 | 26 | 115 Streatham |Dudman’s | 1804 | 861 | 26 | 110 Scaleby Castle |India | 1798 | 1237 | 26 | 130 Thames |Barnard’s | 1819 | 1360 | 26 | 130 Thomas Coutts |Wigram’s | 1817 | 1334 | 26 | 130 Thomas Grenville |Bombay | 1809 | 923 | 26 | 107 Vansittart |Bengal | 1813 | 1313 | 26 | 130 Warren Hastings } | | | | | (Rawes) } |Perry’s | 1793 | 1356 | 26 | 130 Warren Hastings } | | | | | (Larkins) } |Barnard’s | 1802 | 1004 | 26 | 120 Waterloo |Wigram’s | 1816 | 1325 | 26 | 130 Winchelsea |River | 1803 | 1310 | 12 | 115 Windsor |Barnard’s | 1818 | 1332 | 26 | 130 William Pitt |Barnard’s | 1804 | 857 | 26 | 110

APPENDIX No. 11, VOL. ii. p. 464.

Historical Abstract of Public Duties performed by the East India Company’s Maritime Service.

In 1601 the first fleet, under Lancaster, took possession of St. Helena, entered into a treaty with the King of Acheen, settled a factory at Bantam, and captured a valuable carrack of nine hundred tons burthen.

During 1609 the Company’s ship Solomon engaged and defeated several Portuguese ships, and in 1611 their fleet, under command of Captain Saris, proceeded to Japan, and settled a Company’s factory at Firando; while in this year a large ship belonging to the Company, assisted by a pinnace, maintained five several engagements with a squadron of Portuguese, and gained a complete victory over forces much superior.

In 1612 the Company’s fleet, under the command of Captain Thomas Best, engaged the Portuguese fleet, consisting of four galleys and twenty-six frigates, in two separate actions, when the Portuguese were defeated with great loss.

In 1613 the Company’s fleet, under the command of Captain (General) Downton, attacked and defeated the Portuguese fleet near Surat, sinking and burning most of the enemy’s ships; and in 1616 their fleet, under Captain Pring, took a valuable Portuguese frigate, and defeated the Dutch fleet in a severe action at Batavia.

1619. A great naval action between four Company’s ships, under the command of Captain Shilling (who was killed), and a Portuguese fleet, in which the Company’s ships were victorious. This fleet also took possession of Saldanha Bay.

1620. Four of the Company’s ships defeated the Portuguese fleet and captured several junks belonging to the Mogul.

1622. Ormuz taken by the Company’s fleet, in concert with the King of Persia’s forces. By this capture the first and most valuable commercial treaty with that monarch was obtained.

1623. In the twenty-first year of the reign of James I. he authorized the Company to exercise martial law in their ships at sea.

1630. A great naval battle near Surat, in which the Company’s fleet was victorious over the Portuguese.

1635. The Company’s fleet, under Sir Thomas Grantham, recapture Bombay.

The Company’s fleet captured forty sail of Mogul ships at Ballasore.

1662. At the expiration of more than half a century after the commencement of the trade to India, men-of-war first sent out.

1690. The Company’s ship Herbert fought a desperate action at Johanna against four ships of superior force, and beat them off, but in the moment of victory she unfortunately took fire and blew up.

1703. The Company’s ships Chambers and Canterbury, in the Straits of Malacca, engaged in the night a French sixty-four and a frigate. The Canterbury was taken, but the Chambers gallantly renewed the action at daylight, and having crippled her opponents, escaped. The following is an extract from the commander’s log: “To prevent all thought among my men of surrendering ye ship, and make ym desperate, I nailed the ensigne to the staff from head to foot, stapled and fore-cockt the ensigne staff fast up. I resolved to part with ship and life together.”

1746. A French squadron, consisting of L’Achille, sixty-four, and two frigates, appeared off St. Helena to intercept the homeward-bound fleet. An Indiaman’s long-boat was fitted out under the command of a midshipman, who succeeded in gaining the weather-gage of the enemy’s squadron unperceived, and cruised for the purpose of warning the expected fleet. Six of the Company’s ships fell in with the squadron, and maintained a running fight for several days, till they anchored in All Saints’ Bay, where they were blockaded by L’Achille and her consorts, notwithstanding which, they ultimately escaped and reached England in safety.

1757. The Company’s ships Suffolk, Houghton, and Godolphin fell in with two French frigates off the Cape, and after a smart action beat them off. The Court of Directors highly commended the conduct of the commanders, officers, and crews upon this occasion, and each ship received a gratuity of 2,000l. These ships were commanded by Captain Wilson, who was made commander of all the Company’s ships, and appointed to the William Pitt, in which ship he discovered Pitt’s Straits, 1759, and “pointed out to admiring nations a new track to China, founded on philosophic principles.”

1758. At the recapture of Fort William many of the Company’s ships were employed, and in some instances the crews were engaged on shore.

1759. When the Dutch, with four frigates of thirty-six guns each, two frigates of twenty-six guns each, and another ship mounting sixteen guns, with crews of fifteen hundred men on board, attempted to capture the British possessions of Bengal, they were driven back, and captured by the Company’s ships Calcutta, Duke of Dorset, and Hardwicke.

In the same year the Company’s ship Hardwicke fought an action with a French frigate.

1760. The Company’s ships Royal George and Oxford intercepted and captured three Dutch ships and three sloops off Culpec. In 1761 the Company’s ship Shaftesbury stood into Madras Roads, in defiance of two French ships there blockading the town, who attacked her, but, succeeding in beating them off, she then embarked a detachment of troops, and proceeded to St. Thomas, where she engaged and beat off a French frigate. The captain, officers, and crew of the Shaftesbury were warmly commended for their gallant conduct on this occasion, and received a reward of 2,000l.

The Company’s ship Winchelsea fought a French frigate single handed and beat her off. The Court in this case also distributed the sum of 2,000l. among the crew for their gallant conduct.

1779. The Company’s ship Bridgewater fought an American privateer of superior force, and beat her off, for which the crew received a reward of 2,000l. from the Court of Directors.

1782. The Company’s ships, under Commodore Johnstone, fought a gallant action at Port Praya, in which the enemy were defeated.

1786. The Princess Royal, Captain Horncastle, fought an action in the Straits of Malacca.

1793. The Company’s ships Triton, Royal Charlotte, and Warley, in company with H.M.S. Minerva, were employed in the blockade of Pondicherry, and assisted at the capture of that place.

1794. The Company’s ship Pigott fought a gallant action at Bencoolen with three French frigates. In this year, there not being a single English man-of-war in the Indian Seas, or to the eastward of the Cape, and while the port of Calcutta was blockaded, and the whole trade of India a prey to large and well-appointed privateers, the Company’s ships William Pitt, Britannia, and Houghton, under Commodore Mitchell (who was knighted for his services on this occasion), cruised in the Indian seas as men-of-war for the protection of commerce. They captured two large privateers, and defeated a French squadron of two frigates, a brig of war, and an armed ship, the Princess Royal.

When, in 1795, the great expedition was ordered for the West Indies, application was made to the Company for assistance, and fourteen of the Company’s ships were fitted out immediately, and ten others sold to Government and equipped as line-of-battle ships.

In the same year an expedition was fitted out at St. Helena, consisting of the Company’s ships Goddard, Mauship, Hawkesbury, Airly Castle, Asia, Essex, and Busbridge; which proceeded to cruise to windward of the island, where they intercepted and captured a valuable fleet of nine Dutch Indiamen. This undertaking involved in its consequences the annihilation of the Dutch East India Company.

The Company’s ships Bombay Castle, Exeter, and Brunswick were fitted out as men-of-war at Bombay, and assisted in taking the Cape of Good Hope.

1797. When at the mutiny of the Nore, the Court of Directors called upon their officers to serve on board his Majesty’s ships for the defence of the river, the request was promptly and zealously answered by the maritime service at large.

Commodore Farquharson, of the Company’s service, with a fleet of their ships, fell in with the French Admiral De Sercey and a powerful squadron of men-of-war; the Indiamen immediately formed the line of battle, and gave chase to the enemy, who crowded all sail, and was soon out of sight. This bold manɶuvre saved a valuable fleet to the Company and to the nation.

In 1797, on the expedition against Manilla, several of the Company’s ships were fitted out to act as men-of-war, and in 1798 the Hughes was equipped at Bombay to protect the trade on the Malabar Coast. That year the Company’s ships Royal Charlotte, Cuffnells, Phɶnix, and Alligator assisted H.M. ships La Pomone, Argo, and Cormorant in convoying a large fleet of merchantmen and transports to Lisbon. On the 25th of September they fell in with a French fleet of nine sail, consisting of one eighty-gun ship and eight frigates. The signal was made for the Company’s ships to form the line with those of his Majesty’s, and the convoy were ordered to push for Lisbon. This manɶuvre, and the warlike appearance of the Indiamen, deterred the French admiral from attacking them, so that the whole fleet reached Lisbon in safety.

1799. The Company’s ships Earl Howe and Princess Charlotte received instructions from H.M.S. Victorious to cruise between the Palmyra Rocks and Pigeon Island. The commander and officers having received commissions from Government, they were occupied in this service until the close of 1800.

1800. The French frigate Melée was taken single-handed by the Company’s ship Exeter, Captain Meriton. In the same year a gallant defence was made by the Company’s ship Kent against the Confiance of twenty-six guns, commanded by the celebrated Surcoufe, and though the Kent was captured, it was only after having lost her commander and twenty-two men killed and thirty-four wounded; the action lasted nearly two hours.

On the 27th of June the Company’s ship Arniston, Captain Campbell Majoribanks, having just anchored at Bencoolen, was attacked by a French sloop of war, supposed to be the Confiance, of twenty-six guns. The Arniston promptly cut her cable, gave chase, and fired several broadsides into her: but, outsailing the Arniston, by beating to windward, she escaped after a chase of several hours.

That year the Hughes, cruising in the Bay of Bengal for the protection of trade, engaged a French ship, which also escaped from superiority of sailing, after having thrown her guns overboard.

In 1801 the Company’s ship Phɶnix, Captain Moffat, captured a French privateer single-handed, and the Company’s ship Admiral Gardner, Captain Saltwell, beat off the Bellona, French frigate, single-handed.

1803. The Company’s homeward-bound China fleet (with a number of country ships and whalers under protection), having no men-of-war in company, fell in with the French Admiral Linois, in the Marengo, eighty-four-gun ship, Semillante, forty guns, Belle Poule, forty guns, Corvette, twenty-eight guns, and a brig of eighteen guns. The enemy being to windward, Commodore Dance, at the suggestion of Captain Timins, made the general signal to tack. The Indiamen then stood towards the French fleet, engaged, defeated, and chased them out of sight. The details of this extraordinary victory of English merchant ships over French men-of-war are familiar to the readers of naval history. The fleet, consisting of China ships, was valued at six millions, and the revenue on the tea alone amounted to upwards of three millions sterling. Commodore Dance was knighted, and various rewards were distributed among the captains, officers, and seamen. In that year the Company’s ships Lord Castlereagh and Lady Castlereagh were fitted out and cruised in the Bay of Bengal for the protection of trade.

In that year also the Company’s ship Preston acted as guard-ship at Kedjaree.

During 1804 the Hughes sailed from Bombay by request of the Government, cruising in company with H.M.S. Concord to intercept French frigates expected off the coast.

In 1805 the Company’s ships Camden and Wexford were fitted out in Bombay Harbour, and cruised in the Indian seas for the protection of trade, whilst the Cumberland, Captain Farrer, under convoy of Sir Thomas Troubridge, received and returned several broadsides, within pistol-shot, from the French line-of-battle ship Marengo, and from a large frigate, her consort.

In 1806 the Company’s ship Warren Hastings fought a most gallant action against the French frigate Piedmontese, and although at last captured, the enemy hauled off several times during the action, which lasted for four hours.

In 1810 the Company’s ships and seamen were employed at the taking of the Isle of France; and in 1812 the Company’s ship Astell was gallantly defended against a very superior force, and escaped, in consequence of the crippled state of her opponents.

APPENDIX No. 12, VOL. ii. p. 467.

List of Wages of the East India Company’s Ships.

By the Month. £ s. d. 1 Commander 10 0 0 1 Chief Mate 5 0 0 1 Second Mate 4 0 0 1 Third Mate 3 10 0 1 Fourth Mate 2 10 0 1 Fifth Mate 2 0 0 1 Sixth Mate 1 15 0 1 Surgeon 5 0 0 1 Purser 2 0 0 1 Boatswain 3 5 0 1 Gunner 3 5 0 1 Master-at-Arms 2 15 0 1 Carpenter 4 0 0 1 Midshipman and Coxswain 1 15 0 4 Midshipmen, each 1 15 0 1 Surgeon’s Mate 3 10 0 1 Caulker 3 10 0 1 Cooper 2 15 0 1 Captain’s Cook 3 5 0 1 Ship’s Cook 2 0 0 1 Captain’s Steward 1 15 0 1 Ship’s Steward 2 0 0 2 Boatswain’s Mates, each 2 0 0 2 Gunner’s Mates, each 2 0 0 1 Carpenter’s First Mate 3 0 0 1 Carpenter’s Second Mate 2 10 0 1 Caulker’s Mate 2 10 0 1 Cooper’s Mate 2 0 0 6 Quartermasters, each 2 0 0 1 Sail-maker 2 5 0 1 Armourer 2 5 0 1 Butcher 1 15 0 1 Baker 1 15 0 1 Poulterer 1 15 0 2 Commander’s Servants, each 1 3 0 1 Chief Mate’s Servants, each 1 0 0 1 Second Mate’s Servants, each 0 18 0 1 Surgeon’s Servants, each 0 15 0 1 Boatswain’s Servants, each 0 15 0 1 Gunner’s Servants, each 0 15 0 1 Carpenter’s Servants, each 0 15 0 50 Foremast Men, each 1 15 0 --- Total 102

APPENDIX No. 13. VOL. ii. p. 471.

Copy of the Victualling Bill of the East India Company’s Ships.

By whose order the under-mentioned For Regular Ships. 1200 950 800 ton ships. are to be received on board. { Ale, Beer, Wine, or } { other liquors, in casks } Company’s Husband { or bottles, for the use of} 13 13 13 tons. or Assistant. { the Commander’s table, } { allowing 252 gallons, or } { 86 doz. quart bottles per } { ton. }

Sealers at the { *Beef, Pork, Bacon, } 40 35 25 tons. India Wharf. { Suet, and Tongues. }

Ship’s Husband. { Beer, strong and small, } 28 28 28 tons. { in casks (not bottles). }

Sealers at the } *Bread. 350 310 270 cwt. India Wharf. }

{ Butter. 30 30 30 firkins. { Brandy, or other spirits, } { for the ship’s company. } 10 9 8 punches. Ship’s Husband. { Billet Wood. 25,000 25,000 25,000 { Brimstone. 2 2 2 cwt. { Coals. 20 20 15 chaldron. { Candles. 50 50 50 dozen. { Cheese. 50 50 50 cwt.

Sealers at the } *Chirurgery and Drugs. 65 55 50l. value. India Wharf. }

Ship’s Husband. Canvass. 30 25 20 bolts.

{ Confectionery. 6 6 6 cases. Sealers at the { *Essence of Malt. 260 230 200 lbs. India Wharf. { *Essence of Spruce. 260 230 200 lbs. { *Flour. 134 100 88 cwt.

Ship’s Husband. Fish. 21 18 16 cwt.

Sealers at the } Grocery. 80 70 50 cwt. India Wharf. }

Ship’s Husband. { *Gunpowder. 63 60 50 barrels. { *Iron Shot. 6 7 4 tons.

Company’s Husband, } or Assistant } Iron for store. 6 4 4 tons. Ship’s Husband. }

{ *Lime or Lemon Juice. 130 115 100 gallons. { Lead Shot of sorts. 5 5 5 cwt. Sealers at the { *Mustard Seed. 10 10 10 bushels. India Wharf. { Oatmeal. 50 50 50 bushels. { Oil, Sweet and Lamp. 300 300 300 gallons. { Oats, Barley, and Bran. 500 500 500 bushels. { Oranges and Lemons. 6 6 6 chests. { Oilman’s Stores. 8 8 8 cases. { *Pease. 200 190 180 bushels.

{ Pitch. 20 20 20 barrels. { Potatoes. 15 15 10 tons. { Red and White Herrings Ship’s Husband. { and Salmon. 5 5 5 barrels. { Rosin. 6 6 6 cwt. { Spare Cordage. 7 5 5 tons.

Sealers at the } Sheet Lead for store. 2 2 2 tons. India Wharf. }

Ship’s Husband. Salt, White and Bay. 40 40 40 bushels.

Sealers at the { Slops. 2 2 2 chests. India Wharf. { Tobacco. 30 25 20 cwt.

{ Tar. 20 20 20 barrels. { Turpentine. 3 3 3 barrels. Ship’s Husband. { *Vinegar. 11 11 9 hds. { *Water. 70 60 50 tons.

* Boatswain’s, Gunner’s, and Carpenter’s stores, as usual, that are not particularly before mentioned, seeing them to be such.

APPENDIX No. 14, VOL. ii. p. 483.

A List of the Large Ships belonging to the East India Company’s Service in 1831, and how disposed of, with the prices realised for them.

-------+-----------------------------+------------------------+---------------- Sum. | Ships’ Names. | By whom purchased. | Date. -------+-----------------------------+------------------------+---------------- £8,000 | Abercrombie Robinson |{Messrs. Palmer, } | Oct. 9, 1834. | |{ McKilloh and Co. } | 6,500 | Asia | Thomas Heath, Esq. | Sept. 20, 1831. 4,100 | Atlas, broke up | Charles Carter, Esq. | May 20, 1831. .. | Berwickshire, at sea | .. | .. .. | Bombay, at sea | .. | .. 10,550 | Buckinghamshire |{Messrs. Thacker and } | June 25, 1834. | |{ Mangles } | 5,750 | Canning, broke up | Joseph Somes, Esq. | May 7, 1834. 10,000 | Castle Huntly | Bought in by Owners | Decr. 11, 1834. 8,500 | Charles Grant | Messrs. Hyde and Lennox| Feby. 15, 1834. .. | Duchess of Athol | .. | .. .. | Duchess of Sussex | .. | .. .. | Dunira, to be broken up. | .. | .. 10,700 | Earl of Balcarras | Thomas A. Shuter, Esq. | Sept. 17, 1834. 7,500 | Edinburgh | James Gardner, Esq. | July 2, 1834. 6,000 | Farquharson, laid up. | Joseph Somes, Esq. | May 23, 1834. 6,600 |{George the Fourth, } | John Nicholson, Esq. | May 28, 1834. |{ outward bound } | | 6,600 | General Harris, broke up | Joseph Christall, Esq. | Oct. 29, 1831. 6,250 | General Hewett | William Tindall, Esq. | Sept. 22, 1830. 9,100 | General Kyd | John Pirie, Esq. | Oct. 8, 1834. .. | Herefordshire | .. | .. 9,150}| |{Bought in by Owners | Oct. 30, 1834. 8,000}| Inglis |{Bought in by Capt. } | Nov. 15, 1834. | |{ J. C. Lochner. } | 5,900 | Kellie Castle | Capt. R. Pattallo | Nov. 1834. 10,000 | Lady Melville | John Campbell, Esq. | Aug. 1832. 8,650}| Lowther Castle, } | Joseph Somes, Esq. |{Sept. 24, 1830. 5,300}| to be broken up } | |{June 18, 1834. 5,900 | London, broke up | Thomas Ward, Esq. | May 7, 1834. 7,500 | Lord Lowther | Capt. A. Grant | July 16, 1834. .. | Marquis of Camden, at sea | .. | .. .. |{Marquis of Huntly, } | | |{ to be broken up } | .. | .. 7,000 | Marquis of Wellington | Don Pedro | Sept. 11, 1832. 9,400}| Minerva, for Captain’s } | | 2,400}| stores at sea } | Henry Templer, Esq. | Aug. 20, 1831. 6,600 | Orwell, at sea | Messrs. Isacke and Co. | Jany. 21, 1834. 6,500 | Prince Regent, at sea |{Messrs. Wigrams } | Sept. 28, 1830. | |{ and Green } | 3,000 |{Princess Charlotte of } | | |{ Wales, broke up } | J. Childers, Esq. | April 20, 1831. .. | Reliance | .. | .. 4,500 | Rose | Bought in by Owners | Oct. 16, 1834. 6,900}| |{Henry Templer, Esq. | Aug. 6, 1834. 13,500}| Scaleby Castle. |{Bought by Jas. } | Oct. 11, 1834. | |{ Walkingshaw, Esq., } | | |{ with stores, and } | | |{ ready for sea } | .. | Sir David Scott | .. | .. 10,700 | Thames | John R. Pidding, Esq. | Aug. 1832. 3,550 | Thames, 40/64th of ship | James Christall, Esq. | Sept. 10, 1834. .. |{Thomas Coutts, outward } | | |{ bound } | .. | .. .. | Vansittart | .. | .. 6,650 | Thomas Grenville, laid up | Messrs. Ward and Somes | July 2, 1834. .. | Warren Hastings | .. | .. .. |{Waterloo, materials sold,}| | |{ and began breaking up, }| At Public Sale | June 11, 1834. |{ fetched about £7,200.} | | .. | William Fairlie | .. | .. .. | Winchelsea, broke up | .. | 1833. 7,950 | Windsor | William Dallas, Esq. | Nov. 13, 1834. -------+-----------------------------+------------------------+----------------

APPENDIX No. 15. VOL. ii. p. 84.

Memorial Letter from Captain George Probyn, Chairman of the Committee of Commanders and Officers of the Maritime Service, dated 30th July, 1834.

To the Honorable the Court of Directors of the East India Company. The Memorial of the Commanders and Officers of the Maritime Service of the Company

SHEWETH:

That the Maritime Service of the East India Company has existed for a period of upwards of two hundred years; that the ships and seamen employed by the said Company have been, in a great degree, instrumental in acquiring and securing the now vast territory of British India, and in advancing its commercial success to that degree which it so long maintained. That your Memorialists entered into that service in the confident expectation that it was a provision for their lives, and they were justified in such expectation by the fact that the Company’s trading Charter was perpetual, and that the continuance of their trade must have rendered a Maritime Service necessary. That by the measure of last session of Parliament, the trade of the Company being suddenly stopped, your Memorialists are altogether deprived of their profession, and those prospects on which they relied for their advancement in life, in entering the service of your Honorable Company, are destroyed.

Under such circumstances, your Memorialists, on behalf of themselves and the other members of the service, most respectfully urge their claim on your Honorable Court for that compensation which, by the Act referred to, the Company is authorized to grant to persons employed “by or under the Company, who have suffered loss by the discontinuance of their trade.” Your Memorialists trust that it is not necessary for them now to urge the validity of their claim as persons employed by or under your Honorable Company. The words in question were introduced into the Act expressly to meet the claims of your Memorialists, which were recognised by Parliament as within the scope and object of the Legislature; and if it were doubtful whether your Memorialists were employed “by,” there could be no doubt that they were employed “under” your Honorable Company. The Maritime Service, however, has been so frequently recognised by the Company as a branch of its establishment, that no substantial doubt can exist that your Memorialists were in the direct service of the Company. It is true that, by the arrangements of the Company, the Commanders and Officers were allowed to be recommended by the Ship-Owners, but they were recommended to the service of the Company. They were examined and approved by your Honorable Court, and sworn into the service of the Company; they were paid by the Company, and subject to fine, suspension, and dismissal by the Company, and not by the Owners; they wore the uniform of the Company, enjoyed rank and command under the Company, and became eligible to offices of high honour and emolument. The officers of the Maritime Service took precedence of the officers of the Company’s Bombay Marine; the Commanders ranked with Field Officers in India, and were eligible to the office of Master-Attendant and other offices of profit in India.

The Commanders in the Maritime Service, though serving in different ships, owned by different parties, held seniority according to the date of their being first sworn into the Company’s service, and gave orders to the Commanders and Officers of such ships. In all these respects there was no preference to the Commanders of the few ships belonging to the Company. Seniority was the title to command, and the Officers of the Company’s own ships were in the same grade as those of the regular ships. Your Memorialists forbear to enter into details on this question, they will merely, therefore, refer to the following Resolution of Court:—

“Sec. 6. It is ordained, that the Court of Directors shall, as soon as reasonably may be, from time to time, preserve and keep a list or register of all existing Commanders and Sworn Officers which have been or shall be employed in the Company’s Maritime Service, except Commanders and Officers who have been or shall be dismissed or removed for misbehaviour, or shall have resigned and quitted the service; and all the Commanders and Sworn Officers of ships already built, now building, or to be built for the service of the Company, or taken up as regular ships, shall be selected from such list or register, but with liberty to admit new Officers to the lowest station of Sworn Officers as the service may require, with the approbation of the Court of Directors, so as always to keep up a sufficient number of Commanders and Officers regularly bred in the service.”

In conformity with the policy proposed in the above resolution, the Honorable Company has encouraged the formation of a class of Commanders and Officers for their particular service, and your Memorialists, under that encouragement, have been induced to enter the service, and have committed their prospects in life to your Honorable Company; and now that the service, from no fault of your Memorialists, from no decline in trade or natural fluctuation of events, but by the violent hand of power, and with views to public policy, is destroyed, your Memorialists confidently rely upon the justice of your Honorable Court to award them compensation. The policy of the Honorable Company, in thus forming Officers for their Commercial Navy, was based upon the most accurate view of their own interest and advantage. The Maritime Service of your Honorable Company was one of great trust and responsibility. The most valuable cargoes were necessarily entrusted to your Commanders, and such was the confidence justly reposed in them, that this property was left altogether uninsured either against sea-risk or barattry. Without assuming extraordinary merit to your Memorialists, they confidently assert that this important pecuniary saving could not have been effected but by Commanders and Officers who had been educated for, and brought up in, the particular service: your Memorialists, however, find that the qualifications which were so important to the service of your Honorable Company are of small account in the open trade system, and Ship-Owners object to employ individuals who have navigated only in vessels of so high a class of equipment as those in the service of your Honorable Company. This is no fancied evil.

The education and habits of your Memorialists as Officers of the Company’s service afford a decided objection to their employment in the free trade; and in proof of this fact, your Memorialists beg to state, that although the tonnage now engaged in the trade to India and China has doubled, not one-fifth of the Officers of the Company’s service have obtained employment.

Your Memorialists moreover entered the service of your Honorable Company from their interest in that particular connection. That interest is of no avail to advance them in another service; and even were employment obtained, your Memorialists could not look to be remunerated upon a scale in any degree commensurate with the emolument derived from the Company’s service, where higher qualifications were required and paid for.

From the regulations of your service, your Memorialists were alone eligible to stations in the Company’s regular ships, while in the general Commercial Navy of the country, they have not even a fair prospect of competing with others; they have not only lost a profession in which they had graduated, and in which they had expected to find a provision for life, but they have lost a connection by which their interest in that profession would have been insured. This is the ground of your Memorialists’ present claim. All the service sustain the loss of profession and connection, and it is in respect of this loss that they ask for compensation.

Your Memorialists state this the more prominently, because they have heard it proposed that compensation should be limited to such Officers as could show an engagement for future employment; but your Memorialists conceive that this is an unsound principle. The Honorable Company established a service with a view to insure a succession of Officers for their employ. There are not now Officers more than sufficient for the supply of the average number of ships employed by your Honorable Company; it is obvious, therefore, that these Officers had a reasonable and just ground to expect, and would have found, employ in the service of the Company but for the Act of last session, which has suddenly destroyed this prospect. Many cases exist, in which, from illness and other temporary causes, Officers were not at the moment of the closing of the Company’s trade in active service, though they might, and probably would, have resumed it; and your Memorialists conceive that all are entitled to compensation who have not absolutely resigned or been dismissed from the Company’s service. If it should be determined to draw a line, to exclude those who have discontinued the service for a certain period, there must be cases of exemption, otherwise the most meritorious Officers would be excluded: but your Memorialists are satisfied, that the attempt to restrict compensation to those who were in actual service, or about immediately to resume it, would be in its operation partial and unjust, and would not afford relief commensurate with the injury. Your Memorialists cannot too strongly press upon the consideration of the Court the fact, that as the number of Commanders and Officers is not excessive, all had a reasonable expectation of employment of which they are altogether deprived, and yet few might be able to show any actual contract for employment, particularly having regard to the temporary system adopted by the Company in the last two or three years, of chartering old ships from voyage to voyage.

Your Memorialists cannot enter into speculations as to what might have been the extent of the Company’s trade if continued. They are fully satisfied that it must have been carried on upon a scale of great magnitude; but this must be mere matter of conjecture. It is by reference only to the past, which is capable of being ascertained, that the loss of your Memorialists can be estimated, and not by surmising a state of things which has no existence.

Your Memorialists have not hitherto proposed any particular scale of compensation, conceiving it to be more respectful to your Honorable Court to await a suggestion from them, and satisfied, from the scale of pensions granted to your Home Establishment, of the desire of the Court to relieve those who have suffered from the consequences of the abolition of the Company’s trade.

The subject, however, having been referred to your Honorable Court with the favourable recommendation of the Proprietors, your Memorialists beg respectfully to present their case before your Honorable Court, with an earnest hope that they may be compensated upon the only principle which can afford them adequate relief, viz., by grant of pensions to the Commanders and Officers who have served the Company. Your Memorialists therefore beg respectfully to submit to your Honorable Court a scale of compensation, which has been prepared with an anxious desire to preserve the utmost moderation.

Your Memorialists are aware that a scale of allowance has been previously prepared, slightly differing from that now submitted. The alterations your Memorialists have made are in favour of the Junior grades of the service, upon which the loss will fall heavily, while the compensation proposed is not considerable. Upon a point so deeply affecting them, your Memorialists feel assured that their suggestion will be received with a favourable consideration, and that your Memorialists will experience at the hands of your Honorable Court that liberality which has ever characterised the conduct of the Honorable Company towards its Officers.

And your Memorialists, etc., etc.

(Signed) GEORGE PROBYN, Chairman of the Committee of Commanders and Officers.

London, 30th July, 1834.

FOOTNOTES:

Hakluyt, vol. i. pp. 214-220.

Hakluyt, vol. i. pp. 297-9.

Cotton Library, British Museum.

Archæol. vol. xxvi.

Harl. 1579, f. 150.

INDEX.

Act of Parliament passed in 1733 for the encouragement of the sugar trade, p. 228

Acts, various retaliatory, and hostile legislation against England, pp. 404-6

Adams, W., settles in Japan and opens the trade with England, p. 159

African Company, sketch of the history of, p. 203, note

Alexander I. of Russia takes off the embargo and makes peace, p. 271

Alva, Duke of, seizes all the English residents in the Netherlands, p. 135

——, ships escorting him to Netherlands capture Spanish merchantmen in Calais roads, p. 139

America, North, discovered by the English, p. 56, note

——, not to be more favoured commercially than other nations, p. 251

——, instead of asserting the independence of her flag, intrigues with Napoleon for special immunities in the trade with England, p. 308

——, war between, and England, due to an intrigue which was a masterpiece of perfidy, p. 328

——, fraudulent certificates provided for sailors in, p. 330

——, committee of House of Representatives in, pass a measure opening the door to future measures of reciprocity, p. 376

——, many enlightened statesmen in, p. 377

—— quietly looks on, while England prepares to resist invasion by Bonaparte, p. 383

American Colonies, rapid commercial progress and prosperity of, p. 226

American Commissioners evince the strongest desire for conciliation, p. 393

—— satisfied with article in Treaty about the circuitous trade route, p. 393

American Government pass an Act of Non-intervention, March 1st, 1809, p. 400

American Independence recognised by England in 1783, p. 346

American Laws almost wholly founded upon English laws, p. 364

American Ships, six hundred seized, under orders of Council, Nov. 6, 1793, and March 28, 1794, p. 256

—— become liable to capture by both France and England, owing to order of Convention, May 1793, p. 262

——, extensive seizure of, under the decision of the English Admiralty Courts, p. 386

——, lists of those taken and condemned by the French and English, p. 395

American Shipowners’ belief is, that every act of the English Legislature is specially directed against them, p. 368

—— frightened at the mere suggestion of a policy of reciprocity, p. 369

—— maintain that the two countries are not on an equal footing while England stands by her Navigation Acts, p. 370

—— say that the English Navigation Act will prevent their carrying anything except their own produce, p. 373

——, various arguments of, addressed to different classes of their countrymen, ibid.

——, etc., stand by Lord Hawkesbury’s minute, p. 387

American Statesmen try to turn the attention of their countrymen to agricultural pursuits, p. 365

Americans form associations to dispense with English manufactures, p. 232

—— resolve to import no goods from Great Britain with the exception of Ireland, p. 233

——, immediately after their Independence, adopt a Registration system similar to the English, p. 246

—— lay a general embargo on their shipping in reply to Order in Council of Nov. 11, 1807, and complain that they are losing their carrying trade owing to the stringency of this Order, p. 321

—— prefer risking capture to keeping their ships unemployed, p. 322

——, in spite of his treatment of them, unequivocally aid Napoleon, ibid.

——, disposition of, to be subservient to Napoleon, while hating England, p. 324

—— assume that Napoleon must conquer Russia, and therefore declare war against England, May 18, 1812, p. 326

—— aware of the fresh promulgation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees before they went to war with England, p. 327

—— pretend that England has impressed 15,000 to 20,000 American sailors, p. 329

—— take a very short-sighted view of European affairs, ibid.

—— complain that their vessels are searched not only for enemies’ goods, but for seamen to man English ships, p. 382

Amiens, preliminaries of the peace of, signed Oct. 1, 1801, p. 271

——, many of the articles of the treaty of, not carried out by the French, p. 274

Angediva, Portuguese, under De Gama, anchor at the Island of, p. 18

Anson, Commodore, sails in 1740 with six ships, chiefly to make reprisals on the Spaniards in the Pacific, p. 217

—— returns with only one ship, the Centurion, having lost nearly all his crews by scurvy and other sickness, ibid.

——, scandalous manner in which his ships were manned, p. 218

Anthony, Anthony, ships of Henry VIII. drawn by him, in the British Museum, p. 96

Antigua, extraordinary robbery of vessel from, p. 415

Archæologia, inventory in, of the ships of Henry VIII., p. 95

Antwerp, the fall of, favourable to the concentration of trade in Holland, p. 178

Armada, the Spanish, size of, more than twice that of English fleet, p. 146

Armstrong, General, states that the Americans have the highest deference for the French Emperor, p. 400

—— and that if France will and England will not give explanation, war shall at once be declared, p. 401

Assurance Companies, Royal Exchange and London, founded during the period of the South Sea Bubble, and still existing as sound speculations, p. 214

Author, successful attempt by, in 1850-3, to improve the form and construction of merchant ships, pp. 492-4 note

——, description by, of the hard service he underwent when a sea-apprentice, pp. 497-9, note

Badajos, conference at, with reference to the Spanish rights in the Eastern seas, p. 69

Baltic, many new ports opened in, in anticipation of an ultimate rupture with Spain, p. 136

Baltimore, shipwrights of, strongly urge on Congress the necessity of protective duties, and maintain that they require more protection than the English when the Navigation Act of 1660 was passed, p. 366

Baltimore, a vessel from, reaches Canton in 1785, p. 377

“Baltimore Clippers,” a greatly improved class of American ships, p. 492

Baring, Alexander (Lord Ashburton), celebrated pamphlet by, p. 268

——, maintains English right of impressment, stating that there were more than 16,000 English sailors serving in American ships, p. 331

—— moves a resolution, 1813, requiring that all ships from India should unload in London, p. 460

Barlow, Mr., U. S. Envoy, receives, a year after the date, a decree revoking those of Berlin and Milan, p. 326

Basto, Mr. E. Pinto, supplies drawing of Vasco de Gama’s ship, p. 3

Baticala, King of, remonstrance of, on the way that De Gama was behaving, p. 31

——, Vasco de Gama levies tribute on, p. 32

Bells, used to mark time at sea, are struck every half hour, p. 531

—— sounded by two strokes following each other quickly, then a short interval, and then two more, p. 532

——, even, come at the full hours, odd bells at the half-hours, ibid.

Bere, O’Sullivan, his piratical armament at Berehaven, p. 118

Berlin Decree, (Nov. 10 and 24, 1806) principal articles of, p. 292

—— not fully enforced till the spring of 1807, p. 297

Bill, prohibiting importation into English America of W. Indian produce except in English ships, p. 237

Bonding, the privilege of, at present granted to eighty-five towns in Great Britain, p. 430

Boys or apprentices are sent at once aloft, to get accustomed to the ship’s motion, and though they stand watch like the rest of the crew, are generally set at first to light work, p. 530

Breda, Articles of the Peace of, require the Dutch to strike their flag to the English in the Channel, p. 195

Bridport, petition of the people of, p. 101

British Subjects allowed to carry in British vessels naval stores, lumber, etc., from U.S. of America to West Indies (July 2, 1783), p. 252

Brougham, Mr., in speech on the “Licence Trade,” quotes a circular of a Liverpool firm offering to forge licences, p. 318

Bull, Papal, question how far it limits the right of Spain in the Eastern Seas, p. 68

Byron, Commodore, sails, in 1764, on a voyage of special discovery to ascertain the existence of the Pepys and Falkland Islands, etc., p. 218

——, voyage of, valuable for his survey of the Straits of Magellan, and of many groups of islands in the Pacific, ibid.

Cabot, John, question whether he went with the earliest voyage, p. 59

Cabot, Sebastian, first certain journey of, 1497, p. 55

——, patent granted to, by Henry VII., ibid.

——, discoveries of, and their order, pp. 56-9 and notes

—— unquestionably preceded Columbus as the discoverer of the mainland of America, p. 59

——, like Columbus, believed that Cathay would be reached by sailing to the N.W., ibid.

——, evidence in favour of his discoveries from Privy Purse expenses, p. 61

——, how employed from 1498 to 1512, pp. 61-2

—— did not leave England till after the death of Henry VII., p. 63

—— enters the service of Spain in 1512, and is employed in the revision of Spanish maps, p. 64

—— nominated pilot-master for Spain; returns to Spain with Charles V., p. 68

—— placed at the head of a Spanish association for trade with the East, p. 69

—— appointed on commission to ascertain Spanish rights in the Eastern seas of India, and takes command of a Spanish expedition to the East, ibid.

——, bitter hostility of the Portuguese against, as supporting Spain against them in the question of the rights they claimed in the Eastern seas, p. 70

—— compels the malcontents in his fleet to land, ibid.

—— ascends the Rio de la Plata and the Parana, p. 71

—— has a sanguinary encounter with the natives on the Parana, p. 72

—— is detained long on the Plata owing to want of support from Charles V., ibid.

—— returns ultimately to Bristol about 1549, p. 73

—— chief employment on return to England, the reduction of his observations on the variation of the needle, p. 74

——, during his retirement, largely consulted on all questions relating to the Mercantile Marine, ibid.

—— forms the association known by the name of the ‘Merchant Adventurers’ Company,’ and becomes governor of that Company, p. 75

—— proposes to send ships to discover the “north” of Europe, p. 76

—— draws up the letters of instruction for the guidance of the Northern discoverers, p. 77

——, England more indebted to, than to “the navigation laws of Oliver Cromwell,” p. 84

—— much injured by death of Edward VI. and the accession of Philip and Mary, p. 85

——, not known when or where he died, but alive as late as May 25th, 1557, p. 86

Calçadilha, Bishop, celebrates mass previously to the starting of Vasco de Gama, p. 7

—— preaches on “the grandeur of India and its miraculous discovery,” p. 23

Calicut, arrival of the Portuguese at, p. 13

——, Moorish traders of, mistrust the Portuguese, ibid.

——, treaty concluded with, by the Portuguese, p. 15

——, treachery of the Moors and king of, p. 16

——, destruction by Vasco de Gama of large Moorish ships from, p. 32

——, de Gama refuses all peace with the people of, and bombards it, ibid.

——, king of, determines to avenge himself on the cruelty of de Gama, p. 37

——, second embassy from king of, to de Gama, p. 40

Canada, emigration encouraged with, partly with a view of England’s becoming independent of the Baltic and Russian trade, p. 288

——, great value of the trade with, in timber for ship-building purposes, ibid.

Cananore, King of, friendly relations between, and the Portuguese, p. 16

——, arranges trade with the Portuguese, p. 33

——, factory built at, by the Portuguese, p. 34

——, and completed before de Gama returns to Europe, p. 43

Carew, Sir Peter, ordered by Queen Elizabeth to suppress piracy in West of England, 1564, p. 118

Carpenter, if he ships as an able seaman, must do seaman’s work, p. 523

Carteret, Capt., the discoverer of Pitcairn’s Island, the future home of the mutineers of the Bounty, p. 219

Castlereagh, Lord, extraordinary influence of, in counteracting the schemes of Napoleon, p. 338

Catherine, Empress, declaration of, 1780, to the Courts of St. James, Versailles, and Madrid, p. 260

—— places herself at the head of an armed neutrality of Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, p. 261

——, attempt of the Emperor Paul to carry out the plan of the armed neutrality proposed by, p. 262

Catholics, all the ships of, considered by the English fair prize, p. 137

Cavendish, T., memorable voyage of, to the East Indies in 1591, p. 153

Chancellor, Richard, reaches the bay of St. Nicholas, where now Archangel, and making his way across Russia to Moscow, opens the first commercial intercourse between England and Russia, p. 81

—— returns to England with the first Russian ambassador—but is drowned at Pitsligo, Nov. 7, 1556, p. 82

Charles I. seizes charters of Colonies on the pretence that they were not rightly granted, p. 168

Chaumont, treaty of, and league between England and the European powers against Napoleon, p. 338

Child, Sir Josiah, terms Charles II.’s Navigation Act “The Maritime Charter of England,” p. 188

—— points out that ships can be built much more cheaply by the Danes, etc., than by us, p. 199

Clarke, an English shipowner, captures 18 prizes worth 50,000l., p. 110

Cobham, Thomas Lord, desperate piratical deeds of, p. 114

—— sews up the captain and survivors of the crew of a Spanish ship in their own sails and throws them overboard, p. 115

Cochym, King of, asks de Gama to settle with the Queen of Coulam about the pepper from her country, p. 39

Collier Service, the nursery of our most daring seamen in the old war, p. 538

Colliers, very hard life of those who serve on board them, p. 536

——, skill required in “jumping” or unloading colliers, p. 537

Colonial System of England not so disastrous to the Colonies as partial American writers assert, p. 196

—— secured the exclusive carrying trade of all produce from our own plantations, ibid.

Colonies, a Secretary of State appointed, and a council for the affairs of trade, organised as at present, in 1786, p. 210

——, northern and southern in North America, have widely differing interests, p. 237

Colonies, French, in the W. Indies, vigorously blockaded in 1804, p. 283

Colonists, English, in the W. Indies claim exclusive monopoly of the trade with the colonies on the continent, p. 227

Colquhoun, Mr. Patrick, able essay by, on the commerce and police of the Thames, p. 412

——, estimate given by, of the trades of London and the number of vessels employed in each, p. 413, note

——, estimate of the amount of plunder from the W. and E. India trades, etc., p. 414

——, list given by, of the different plunderers in the port of London, and of the nick-names whereby they were known, p. 415

——, numbers given by, of persons engaged in plundering merchant vessels in port of London, p. 420

Commerce, legitimate of England did not exceed 50,000 tons in 14th Eliz., p. 139

Commercial Docks, on Surrey side of the Thames, opened A.D. 1660, p. 409

Commercial Intercourse, between N. American Colonies, France, and Holland connived at, p. 235

Commercial Rights, controversy about the, to be conceded to America, p. 346

Confederacy against England of France, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Russia, and United States, p. 268

Congress, in 1784, recommends the prohibition, for fifteen years, of the importation of all merchandise from nations who have not commercial treaties with U.S., p. 253

——, in reply to England and France, passes an Act (May 1st, 1810) excluding from their waters English and French armed vessels, p. 323

——, Secretary of State of, attempts to adopt Free-Trade, p. 349

Congress, vested by its constitution with the power of regulating commerce with foreign nations, p. 348

—— proposes in 1784 to prohibit for fifteen years the import or export of merchandise with nations not having treaties with America, p. 347

——, and, without the consent of each separate State, to levy duties on exports and imports, p. 349

—— declines to increase the differential duties, p. 375

Consul, the first English, established in Chios in 1513, p. 54

Control, Board of, require that all matters concerning revenue in India be submitted to them, p. 455

Convention between England and America to regulate commerce and navigation—on the model of the English reciprocity treaties, p. 402

Conversation not allowed among the seamen, when at work, in presence of their officers, p. 534

Cook, Capt., early distinguishes himself on the St. Lawrence in aid of General Wolfe, p. 219

——, employed under Sir Hugh Palliser on surveys of the Coast of Newfoundland, p. 219

——, in command of the Endeavour, goes to Otaheite to view the transit of Venus, 1768, and is accompanied by Mr. (afterwards Sir Joseph) Banks, Dr. Solander, and Mr. Wales, p. 220

——, spends three months at Otaheite on first voyage, and names the group of Islands round it the “Society Islands,” ibid.

——, surveys West Coast of New Zealand, discovers Cook’s Straits, and runs along the Coast of New Holland for 2000 miles, p. 221

——, remarkable for his humanity and his enlarged views as to the rightful manner of dealing with the natives, ibid.

——, sails on second voyage July 13th, 1772, in the Resolution, surveys the S. Antarctic Ocean, and, after traversing 3660 leagues, reaches Dusky Bay in New Zealand, p. 222

——, lands on the shores of New Zealand several domestic animals, and sows there seeds of various vegetables, ibid.

——, examines New Amsterdam and Easter Island, and the groups of the New Hebrides and Friendly Islands, p. 223

——, sails on his third voyage in the Resolution, July 12, 1776, ibid.

——, principal object of this voyage being to ascertain if any water communication between North Pacific and North Atlantic, p. 224

——, on this voyage examines more fully Amsterdam Island (or Tongataboo), Fiji groups, Nootka Sound in Vancouver Island, and the Sandwich Islands, ibid.

——, is murdered Dec. 26, 1779, on the shore of Owhyhee, the largest of the Sandwich Islands, p. 226

Cook, chief business of, to attend to the “galley” and to keep the cooking utensils clean, p. 526

——, may be required to lend a hand in all-hands work, p. 527

Cooke, E. W., R.A., F.R.S., drawing by of the Discovery, one of Capt. Cook’s ships on his last voyage, p. 225

Copenhagen attacked and bombarded by Nelson, April 2, 1801, p. 270

Corn, extraordinary high prices of, in England in 1795, p. 259

Corn Vessels bound to France seized, but their cargoes paid for, p. 259

Coulam, the chief place where the pepper grows, p. 38

Coulam, the Queen of, sends an embassy to de Gama, p. 38

——, de Gama dissembles with, ibid.

——, de Gama bids her send embassy to the king of Cochym, p. 39

Council, the, general corruption of, in reign of Edward VI., pp. 106-7

Council, orders in, list of the dates, etc., of each, p. 292, note

Council, English, believe that few articles are specially brought from America, and that these may be got elsewhere, p. 351

Courts, English Admiralty, reverse (practically) Lord Hawkesbury’s minute, p. 387

Covilhan, Pero de, sent by the king of Portugal to make researches, p. 3

Crimps and other disreputable agents employed in collecting the crews, p. 496

Cromwell compels the Dutch to strike their flag to the ships of the Commonwealth, p. 187

Crown Lands sold to remedy the evils of a debased currency, p. 109

Currency, depreciation and debasement of, in 1549, p. 106

Dampier, W., one of the buccaneers, makes an interesting voyage to the Eastern Archipelago, p. 216

——, sent out by government to make further discoveries in the Eastern Archipelago, 1699, in which he surveys part of the east coast of New Holland, Timor, and New Guinea, ibid.

Dartmouth, two French ships attempt to cut out two merchantmen from harbour of, p. 90

Davis, John, discovers the Straits named after him in 1585, p. 151

——, is killed, after five voyages to India, by the Japanese in 1605, p. 152

Despotic government of India, evil effect of, as established by De Gama, p. 45

Discovery, New voyages of, by Johnson, Finner, and Frobisher, p. 147

Docks, London, opened for business in 1805, p. 426

——, now amalgamated with the St. Katharine’s and Victoria Docks, p. 428

Docks, St. Katharine’s, partially opened for traffic, Oct. 1828, p. 427

Docks, Victoria, constructed 1850, ibid.

Docks, Millwall, opened for traffic in 1868, p. 429

Dock Companies, charges levied by each, are, on the whole, very similar, p. 430

Docks, wet, now existing in thirteen towns of Great Britain, ibid.

Dover, the Mayor of, one of the most lawless plunderers of French ships, p. 116

Drake, Sir Francis, rides from Plymouth to London to relate the misfortunes of Hawkins’ expedition, p. 132

——, the first Englishman to circumnavigate the globe, in 1577, p. 148.

——, and Sir John Norris, employed to ravage the Spanish coasts, p. 152

——, capture sixty ships belonging to the Hanse Towns, which the Queen condemns, p. 153

Dutch massacre English traders at Amboyna, p. 160

—— openly and derisively claim the dominion of the Narrow Seas, p. 172

—— drive the Portuguese out of the Japan trade in 1638, and secure Ceylon in 1656, p. 174

—— fail to make an establishment in China, p. 176

—— trade greatly advantaged by its perfect freedom, p. 178

—— owed much to ancient laws of England, forbidding exports in home bottoms, p. 179

—— allow their country to be an asylum for all foreigners who choose to come there, ibid.

—— perceive that the English Navigation Acts are directed against their trade, p. 185

——, violent animosity in England against, p. 186.

——, on the whole, the severest sufferers by the first war with England, ibid.

—— force the chain in the Medway and burn three ships in Chatham harbour, p. 193

Dutch East India Company established soon after the English, p. 156

—— drives the Portuguese from the Moluccas, p. 157

Dutch East Indiamen then far superior to the English, p. 175

East India Company, first plan for, sanctioned by Queen Elizabeth, 1600, p. 154

——, first voyage of, quite successful, p. 156

——, in difficulties, abandons the Greenland fisheries, p. 161

——, old and new companies, quarrels between, p. 445

——, different parties in the State side with one or the other, p. 446

——, united company, trade of, thrown open to the highest bidder, 1698, and joined under one title, ‘The United Company of Merchants trading to India,’ 1702, p. 447

——, charter-party of, and conditions of their trades, p. 448

—— absorbs most of the trade of the East, as the Dutch and Portuguese were ruined, p. 454

——, ships built in India first admitted in the trade, 1795, ibid.

——, a secret board of three directors to transact business with the Board of Control, p. 455

——, charter renewed 1796, with privileges of trade granted to outsiders and to civil servants of Company, p. 456

—— suffers heavily from loss of ships in 1808-9, and from the French War, p. 458

——, trade to India thrown open 1814, but not that to China, p. 459

——, comparative loss of the ships built by, and of those built by the shipowners of the out-ports, p. 460

——, number of ships employed by, varied very much and generally according to the demand, p. 462

——, no captain of a ship of, to be less than twenty-five years of age, p. 464

——, gallant actions and other services performed by their ships, Appendix, No. 11, ibid., note

——, naval service of, various particulars relating to, pp. 464-472

——, captains of ships required “to keep up the worship of Almighty God” every Sunday, when possible, p. 466

——, promotion in naval service of, strictly according to seniority, supposing character, abilities, etc., good, ibid.

——, details of pay, etc., in the naval service of, Appendix, p. 467, note

——, officers serving in the navy of, allowed largely to participate in the Company’s trade, ibid.

——, captains of ships in, able rapidly to realise large fortunes, p. 468

——, vast amount of illicit trade in, promoted by its own servants, p. 472

——, one captain in service of known to have realised, in one voyage, £30,000, ibid.

——, clerk of the Company of Private Trade required to ascertain from each ship’s books all details of her voyage out and home, p. 474

——, officers of the customs connive with its servants in the promotion of illicit trade, p. 475

——, ample remuneration of its servants on retirement from active duties, p. 476

——, usual regulations of the service on board of their ships, pp. 477-480

——, territorial aggrandisement by, the end and object of its later policy, p. 480

——, very doubtful whether, at any period of its history, its purely commercial operations were successful, p. 481

——, history of the ships sold by, on giving up their trade with the East, Appendix, No. 14, p. 483, note

——, Trade with China ceases, 1834, ibid.

——, all privileges taken from, and government placed directly under the Queen, 1858, ibid.

——, memorials of officers for pensions, etc., on the close of the trading operations, p. 484

——, actual and probable remuneration of the directors, pp. 487-8

——, enormous patronage of the directors of, p. 488

Edward VI., early youth of, and great expectations of, from his remarkable youthful ability, p. 73

——, remarkable knowledge of, and taste for all matters connected with shipping, ibid.

—— gives letters to the northern discoverers in Greek, Latin, and Chaldee, p. 76

——, king, too ill to witness the departure of his ships for the North, p. 80

Elizabeth, Queen, weakness of the Royal Navy at the commencement of her reign, p. 111

——, gives Hawkins The Jesus of Lubeck, p. 124

——, takes the treasure captured, and proposes to use it as a “loan,” p. 134

—— arrests all the Spanish merchants in England, p. 135

—— compelled to rely for the defence of her coasts on a fleet of privateers, p. 138

England, effect on, by the discoveries of the Portuguese, especially of Magellan, p. 50

——, noble families of, command the ships in Henry VIII.’s first fleet, p. 93

—— maintains her right to carry on her over-sea trade in her own ships, p. 185

——, large subsidies of money voted by, to Austria, Russia, Prussia, etc., p. 342

—— liable to lose more than any other nation by the present laws as to captures at sea, p. 358

—— imposes countervailing duties in reply to the American protectionists, p. 368

Englishmen of all ranks gallantly support Henry VIII. in his resistance to the French, p. 92

—— arm ships on pretence of avenging the misdeeds of the Inquisition, p. 111

—— acquire more knowledge of West Indies and Mexico through accession of Philip and Mary, p. 109

English Protection System (under Henry VIII.), defensible on the ground that the Italian republics did the same, p. 52

English Merchant Vessels of sixteenth century badly built, and slow as sailors, p. 54

English Trade less injured than had been expected by the quarrels with Spain, p. 54

Food, ordinary allowances of, per head, in merchant vessels bound on long voyages, p. 502

Foreign and Neutral Shipping, immense increase of, in English ports on the recommencement of the French War, p. 286

Fox, Mr., tries to make peace with France, 1806, p. 290

——, issues the first Order of Council for the blockade of the French Coasts April 18, 1806, p. 291

France collects vast fleets with the view of crushing Henry VIII., p. 91

—— furious at the Treaty concluded by Mr. Jay and Lord Grenville, p. 358

—— issues a decree that she will treat neutrals as they allow England to treat them, p. 359

—— condemns and destroys American vessels with every form of injustice, pp. 360-2

France, Coast of, blockaded in 1804, from Fécamp to Ostend, p. 383

Free-Trade, the warmest advocates of, saw no harm in depriving Africans of their liberty, p. 204

—— not really acknowledged by the Americans any more than by the mother-country, p. 256

Free Traders of the outposts think themselves as well qualified to judge of the Indian Trade as the directors of the E. I. C., p. 460

——, whenever they had once established a footing in India, always beat the Company, p. 481

Gage, General, seizes stores at Boston, p. 236

Gama, Estevan de, expedition of, p. 30

Gama, Paul de, brother of Vasco, dies at Terceira, p. 21

Gama, Vasco de, names of his ships different in different chroniclers, p. 4

——, solemn preparations for his departure, p. 7

——, commencement of his voyage, July 9, 1497, p. 8

—— threatens revenge on the King of Calicut, p. 16

—— obtains pilots for the King of Melinde, and sails for Portugal, p. 20

—— reaches the Tagus on return from his first voyage, Sept. 18, 1499, p. 21

—— created “Dom,” page 22

——, great value of the goods brought by him from India on first voyage, p. 23

——, second expedition of, for revenge rather than for commerce, p. 24

—— agrees with King of Portugal to revenge themselves on the Moors of Calicut, p. 24

——, second expedition of, starts March 25, 1502, attacks the Moors on Coast of India, and wars on all the people except those of Cananore, Cochym, and Coulam, p. 34

——, horrible barbarities of, at Calicut, p. 35

—— sails for Cochym and Coulam, p. 37

——, horrible cruelty of, to the second ambassador of the King of Calicut, p. 40

—— entirely destroys the fleet collected by the King of Calicut, p. 42

—— reaches Portugal at the close of his second voyage, Nov. 10, 1503, p. 43

—— goes to India for the third time in 1524, p. 47

——, establishes the rule of Portugal over all persons to the East of the Cape, and dies three months after, Dec. 24, 1524, p. 45-47

——, very inferior to either of his contemporaries, Columbus or Magellan, p. 47

——, had advantages in his command that neither Columbus nor Magellan enjoyed, p. 47

Georgia, state of, founded by General Oglethorpe in 1732, chiefly with the view of raising silkworms, p. 227

Glasgow, Port, docks at, commenced A.D. 1662, p. 409

Goods, enormous prices of many, owing to their circuitous routes through the Continent, p. 312

Goods not contraband of war, growing feeling that these should be exempt from capture, p. 358

Gosnold, Capt., the first to sail directly across the Atlantic to America, p. 167

Great Britain may fairly claim the honour of the first discovery of the American mainland, p. 60

Greenland, fisheries along the Coast of, ill-supported by the English, p. 206

——, fisheries along coast of, thrown open to all nations by Act of Parliament 1702, p. 207

Hampden, defeated in the Courts of Law, and the writs for Ship-Money pronounced legal, p. 170

Hampton Roads, action in, between H.M.S. Leopard and Chesapeake, p. 392

Hawkesbury, Lord, view of, with reference to the meaning of “direct trade,” p. 384

Hawkins, John, induces some lords of the Council and Queen Elizabeth to take shares in a slaving cruise, p. 123

—— and Thomas Hampton the first English slavers, ibid.

—— reaches West Indies with 400 slaves, whom he compels the colonists to buy (1565), p. 125

——, a third expedition—at first successful, but is surrounded by the Spanish Admiral at St. Jean d’Ulloa, and all his ships but one destroyed, p. 130

——, persuades Philip that he will help in placing Mary Queen of Scots on the throne, p. 144

——, thus obtains money from Philip and the release of the English prisoners from Seville dungeons, p. 144

Hawkins and Cartel sail on a slaving-cruise, but quarrel over the division of the spoil, p. 124

Hawkins and Drake start on a third expedition, having overcome the pretended scruples of Queen Elizabeth, 1567, p. 129

Heligoland, Island of, secured to England by the treaty of, p. 312

Helm always taken by the men, under the direction of the Master or deck-officer for time being, p. 521

Henry VII. passes a law prohibiting importing of Bordeaux wines, except in English, Irish, or Welsh bottoms, p. 51

—— asserts “that the earth is the common mother of mankind,” his chief object being to secure improved advantages for the English in foreign parts, and concludes a commercial treaty with Scotland, p. 52

—— removes differential duties in force against English shipping, p. 50

—— a merchant on his own account, as well as an encourager of distant expeditions, ibid.

Henry VIII. commences the formation of a Royal Navy, p. 89

——, Royal fleet, first successful engagement by, near Mount’s Bay, p. 91

——, great ship, The Harry Grâce à Dieu, p. 94

——, the average of his whole fleet was under 240 tons each, p. 96

——, before the time of, no reliable account of England’s Maritime Commerce, p. 100

—— makes many mistakes in his laws, especially in regulating labour, ibid.

Hojeda, story of, his seeing Englishmen in America during his voyage, p. 62

Holland not unlike Tyre and Venice, p. 178

Hollar, drawing of Dutch East Indiaman by, showing resemblance to much later English ships, p. 180

Hostilities, first effect of the renewal of, on the Maritime Commerce of England, p. 284

Hotham, Sir Richard, evidence of, as to the excessive cost of the ships built for the E. I. C., p. 450

Humphreys, Capt., of H.M.S. Leopard, conduct of, considered, p. 392, note

Iceland, the English fishermen to, the first sailors in Henry VIII.’s fleet, p. 89

India, private traders to, permitted under certain circumstances, 1698, p. 446

Insurance-rates to China, during the whole French war, did not exceed half what they had been in 1782, p. 265

Ireland secures commercial freedom for herself during the war between England and America, but fails altogether to become a leading naval power, p. 243

—— always a clog on the industry of England, p. 243

Jay, Mr. John, sent as Envoy Extraordinary from United States to London in 1794, p. 256

——, at the close of treaty concluded by, holds out the flag of Free-Trade, p. 256

—— proposes that, in war between United States and England, privateers shall not be allowed, p. 356

Jay, W. W., description by, of the state of feeling in England when Mr. John Jay arrived here, p. 355

Jefferson, Mr., in report to Congress of American trade, omits all notice of cotton, p. 357

Jenkinson, Master Anthonie, sent to Persia, p. 85

John, Dom, of Portugal, follows up the discoveries of Prince Henry, and sends two young men to make researches, p. 2

—— takes care that Vasco de Gama’s ships are properly supplied, p. 4

Kalitsch, treaty of, signed March 1, 1813, p. 335

Labour, great demand for, in the Plantations of America, p. 120

Levant, general character of the trade with, under Henry VII., and first voyages to, in “tall ships,” p. 52

——, many particulars of the voyages to, preserved in Hakluyt, ibid.

Lexington, skirmish at, the commencement of the war between England and America, p. 236

Licences, pernicious system of, adopted by England from France, p. 313

——, values of fees, etc., recoverable on, p. 314

——, statement about, by Mr. Alex. Baring, M.P., p. 315

Licensing system, scandalous practices in England, p. 316

—— leads to perjury on the parts of the owners, captains, and seamen of merchantmen, p. 318

Lighters, etc., vast number required for loading and unloading ships in the Thames in 1796, p. 412

Lindsay, of Pitscottie, account of the Great Michael of Scotland, p. 98

Lisbon, joy of the people of, at the safe arrival of Vasco de Gama, p. 21

—— becomes, what the Italian republics had been, the entrepôt of Eastern merchandise, p. 44

Liverpool, first wet-dock proposed for, A.D. 1709, p. 409

——, docks at, incomparably greater than those of the ancient Roman port of Ostia, p. 431

——, far larger dock accommodation than any other port in the world, ibid.

—— Docks, general history of, with the area and amount of accommodation for shipping, pp. 432-437

——, as a private undertaking, receive no aid from government, p. 437

Loan, temporary, advanced to the merchants of London, Bristol, etc., p. 258

Log, to be carefully kept by the ships proceeding to the North, p. 77

London, a central council in, to regulate every branch of trade by the aid of the municipal bodies, p. 102

——, only ten ships of 200 tons in port of, in 1615, p. 166

——, accommodation for vessels arriving from foreign parts far too limited before construction of the Docks, p. 420

M^cCulloch, I. R., doubts, but unwisely, the value of the British Registry Act, p. 246

——, remarks on the inconvenient system of levying duties previously to 1802, p. 410

——, observations by, on the privileges granted on renewal of E. I. C.’s charter in 1796, p. 457

——, remarks on the unfairness of the purchases of E. I. C., p. 482

Martin, Capt., of the Cincinnatus, tortured by the French, p. 362

Massachusetts, in 1785, prohibits the export of American produce in British vessels, p. 347

Master, special duties of, has absolute power in regulating the hours of duty, sleep, meals, etc., pp. 500-507

——, on the leaving of the pilot, all responsibilities devolve on, p. 499

—— has the entire control of the navigation and working of the ship, p. 502

——, the weather side of the quarter-deck belongs to; does not go aloft or perform manual labour; in tacking and wearing gives all the orders for trimming the yards, p. 503

—— does not generally superintend during the ordinary day’s work, p. 504

—— to give his orders to the officers, and not directly to the men, ibid.

——, authority of, would be lessened by giving orders direct to crew, p. 504

——, in the large packet-ships, has little to do with the day’s work, but has entire control of cabin, and generally lives in state-room by himself, p. 505

——, the good and evil on board ships mainly depends on his character and conduct, p. 506

——, everything to be reported to, and no man punished but by his order, ibid.

——, relative ages of, in Dutch and Prussian Marine, p. 507

Masters and Mates in Dutch and Prussian Marine, generally from a superior class of society, p. 507

Mate, Chief, looks after the head yards, p. 504

——, special duties of, as distinct from the captain, pp. 510-517

—— has, generally, to see that each man has something to do, and that he does it, with special duties at the times of anchoring or of getting under weigh, p. 511

—— has the chief care of the ship when in port, and commands the ship in the master’s absence, but does not inflict punishments, p. 513

—— directly superintends the evolutions of the ship under the master’s directions, pp. 513-515

—— is, in some sense, the confidential agent of the shippers, and cannot abroad be removed by master except for very special reasons, p. 516

—— responsible for correct keeping of the log, and successor, by law, to the master in case he should die, pp. 516, 517

Mate, Second, commands starboard watch when master is not on deck, and leads the men in their daily work, but does not necessarily succeed to the post of chief mate, p. 518

——, in furling sails goes aloft with the men, and, if fit, takes his place at the “bunt,” ibid.

——, in reefing, goes aloft with men, if fit, taking his place at the “weather earring,” p. 519

—— ought to be able to show the men how to do the neatest and the most difficult jobs, ibid.

—— expected, like ordinary seamen, to handle the tar-bucket, and, in making or taking in sail, hauls on the deck with and leads the men, p. 520

——, when no boatswain, has charge of spare tackle, rigging, etc., p. 521

——, when in port, stowing or discharging cargo, ought to be in the hold, p. 522

—— commands any boats sent out from the ship for any purpose, p. 522

Mate, Third, his duties not exactly defined, p. 522

—— generally goes aloft with the larboard watch to furl and reef sails, ibid.

—— generally divides his labours with the second mate, or looks after the boats, p. 523

Mate, Chief and Second, always addressed as “Mr.,” p. 517

Mate, a term generally used in the sense of “assistant,” as “boatswain’s mate,” etc., p. 523

Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the Duke of, the first to join the Alliance against Bonaparte, p. 335

Medals given by the King of Portugal to those who would make researches, p. 3

Mediterranean, wise suggestion to promote as far as possible trade with, p. 288

Melinde, King of, offers guides for the Portuguese to Calicut, p. 11

——, letter from King of, on a leaf of gold, p. 18

——, arrival of Vasco de Gama on second expedition, p. 29

——, rich gifts exchanged between the King of, and Vasco de Gama, p. 30

Merchant Adventurers and Cabot, England owes a deep debt of gratitude to, p. 83

Merchants, English, general corruption of, in the reign of Edward VI., p. 109

Merchants, Foreign, refuse to buy English wares as “fraudulent in make, weight, and size,” p. 109

Merchant Shipping Act has greatly benefited the condition of the crews trading beyond the jurisdiction of the Admiralty, p. 494

Mersey, character of the estuary of, p. 431

Mersey Board, laws of, drawn up agreeably with several Acts of Parliament, p. 438

Middleton, Sir Henry, commands the Trades Increase, the largest vessel hitherto built, but fails, p. 158

Moors, eight hundred burnt alive at Calicut by De Gama, p. 36

Mortier, Marshal, seizes the Hanseatic towns of Bremen, Hamburg, Lubeck, etc., p. 296

Mozambique, De Gama arrives there March 10, 1497, p. 9

——, Sheikh of, takes De Gama and his company for Turks, ibid.

Mulberry-trees, attempt to grow them in Chelsea as food for silkworms, though found by experience not to flourish well north of the Loire in France, p. 213, note

Napoleon sends military officers to England to spy out the state of her ports, trade, etc., p. 276

——, unsuccessful expedition of, against St. Domingo, and terrible losses, p. 277

—— declares he would rather see the English on the heights of Montmartre than in Malta, p. 279

—— denounces the conduct of England in a violent speech addressed to Lord Whitworth, ibid.

——, extravagant paper by, in the Moniteur, p. 280

—— determines on the invasion of England, p. 281

—— arrests all English people travelling in France, p. 284

—— tries to destroy the commerce of England by his “continental system,” p. 291

——, decrees of, list of the dates of, p. 292, note

——, Berlin Decree of, declares the blockade of the English coasts, ibid.

——, skill of, in framing his Berlin Decree so as to appear to be the champion of liberty, p. 293

—— stigmatises the Hamburg merchants as “smugglers by profession,” p. 295

—— meditates the invasion of Russia, p. 296

——, decree of, from Milan, Dec. 17, 1807, p. 304

——, decrees of, from Bayonne, April 17, 1808, and from Rambouillet, March 23, 1810, against the Americans, with the intention of forcing them into declaring war against England, p. 306

—— seizes all the American ships at Antwerp, Bordeaux, and Bayonne, and burns those at St. Sebastian, p. 307

——, by granting special licences, is the first to evade his own decrees, p. 308

——, scheme for excluding British goods from the continent wholly fails, p. 310

—— triumphant that “England has now a new enemy,” p. 327

—— compels the Pope to sign a concordat, p. 336

—— reaches the Tuileries, March 21, 1815, p. 341

—— finally overthrown at Waterloo, June 18, 1815, p. 343

—— pays no attention to the remonstrances of the American minister in Paris, p. 397

—— asserts that war had been practically declared against America when England issued her Orders in Council, p. 398

Natal, so named, from having been discovered on Christmas Day, 1497, p. 8

Naval battles between English and Dutch in 1652-3, p. 186

—— between the Dutch and English, 1664-1667, p. 191

Navigation Act, extreme stringency of, p. 181

Navigation laws of England, first prohibitory Act, 1646, with the object of restraining the Dutch, p. 183.

——, second Act, 1656, ibid.

——, Act of Cromwell, passed Oct. 9, 1651, p. 184

——, confirmed by Charles II. 1660, p. 188

——, supplemental statute of, 14 Charles II., prohibits all trade with the Dutch, p. 189

——, orders sent from England to enforce them in all their strictness, p. 231

——, dispute whether they apply to American as to other foreign shipping, p. 257

—— necessarily relaxed during the American war, as the Americans relayed their embargoes, p. 333

Nelson, Capt. (Lord Nelson), commands H.M.S. Boreas in 1784, in the West Indies, p. 254, note

——, carries out Act of Parliament against planters and Americans in the West Indies, ibid.

——, takes command of the Channel fleet, p. 283

Neutral nations, general views of, relative to the question whether the flag covers the merchandise, and on the right of search and the conditions thereof, p. 267

Neutrals’ right proclaimed in the name of the Emperor Napoleon by his minister, M. de Champigny, p. 397

Newfoundland, fisheries of, first opened up by the Merchant Adventurers, p. 85

——, the French, in reign of Louis XIV., encroach on the English fisheries there, p. 205

——, peculiar customs among the fishermen on its coasts, p. 206

New York Shipowners, views of, on duties of neutrals, private armed vessels, etc., pp. 388-391

—— admit the right of search of neutral ships at sea, p. 391

North, Expedition to, sails May 20, 1553, p. 79

Officers, chief, relative qualifications required for, in Danish and Norse ships, p. 509

Orders, English, in Council, principal provisions of, pp. 297-303

——, a necessary reply to Napoleon’s Berlin decree, p. 297

——, indignation in England against, on the part of merchants not owners of ships, p. 306

——, generally beneficial to British shipping interests except in the Baltic, p. 309

——, their effects on American trade, 1810, p. 320

——, made a stalking-horse by the Whigs, p. 325

Oxenham, in 1585, the first Englishman to sail on Pacific, p. 148

Panic, commercial, on the breaking out of the war with France, Feb. 1, 1793, p. 258

Paris, Treaty of, with provisions for settling the new boundaries of Europe, p. 339

Pavia, Gonsalvo de, sent by the King of Portugal to make researches, p. 3

Pembroke, Lord, and others, realise 60 per cent. by Hawkins’s slaving, p. 126

Peter the Great, extraordinary story of, p. 207

—— works with his own hands at ship-building at Saardam, Amsterdam, and Deptford, p. 208

Petty, Sir W., estimates by, of the value of European shipping, and of the quantity assignable to each state, p. 200

Philip II. of Spain retaliates, by seizing thirty English vessels in Spanish ports, p. 117

—— confiscates Hampton’s cargo of hides, procured by money earned by slaving, p. 123

—— peremptorily forbids his colonies to purchase the slaves brought in the English ships, p. 123

——, through his ambassador, remonstrates, but in vain, against the piracies, p. 128

——, the furniture from his chapel publicly burnt in Cheapside, p. 137

—— slowly plans complete vengeance on England, p. 142

——, the chief objects of, in his attacks on England, p. 143

Pickering, Mr., maintains that the English capture of American vessels, carrying French goods, is warranted by the law of nations, and in reply to the French, asserts that “free ships should make free goods,” p. 263

Pilots of the Mersey subject to a special committee of the Mersey Board, p. 439

—— undergo three examinations before admitted to full licence, p. 440

——, very various duties of the general superintendent of, p. 439

Pilot-boats of the Mersey not less than forty tons each, p. 440

——, each one has a master, second and third master, and ten apprentices; and the boats have seven stations, the last to take the pilots out of the ships and back to Liverpool, p. 441

Pirates, English, even when seized by the government, rarely punished with any severity, p. 120

Pitt, Mr., the firm supporter of the merchants, shipowners, and agriculturists, p. 265

—— retires from the Administration, owing to differences between him and the King with reference to Catholic Emancipation, p. 266

—— (supported by Mr. Fox) strenuously denies that “free bottoms make free goods,” p. 269

—— reduces the duties on many Indian articles of produce, 1784, p. 452

Pitt, Mr., establishes the Board of Control, including six members of the Privy Council, 1784, p. 455

Planters, West Indian, demand unrestricted freedom of trade with the Americans, p. 251

Portugal, enormous wealth accruing to, from the discovery of the way to India round the Cape of Good Hope, p. 44

Portugal, King of, his great joy on the return of Vasco de Gama from his second voyage, p. 43

Prayers to be said morning and evening in ships proceeding to the North, p. 78

Privateers and pirates naturally ready to take up slave-dealing, p. 120

Privateers, American, as reckless and as daring as the buccaneers, p. 379

Privateers, English, sailing under flag of the Prince of Orange, capture large treasures on their way to the Netherlands, p. 133

Proclamation ordering that the coins of the realm shall only be worth their intrinsic value, p. 108

—— relating to Ship-Money, and Hampden’s resistance, p. 170

—— to German Princes, stating that the only object of the Alliance was the rescuing Germany from France, p. 335

Protection System, gradual growth of the desire for, in all classes, p. 228

Protectionists in America carry a measure imposing differential duties, p. 369

Prussia, unprovoked attacks on Hanover, p. 301

Quiloa, an important city at the time of De Gama’s voyage, trading with Mecca, p. 10

——, Armenian merchants at, who call themselves “Christians,” p. 11

——, speeches of De Gama to the King of, pp. 26-29

——, treatment of the Moor of, by Vasco de Gama, p. 29

Raleigh, Sir W., first personal adventure in 1595, but had aided in seven previous ones, p. 150

——, remarkable views of respecting English commerce and how to benefit it, p. 162

—— shows that the position of England ought to make her the storehouse of all nations, p. 162

——, and how superior the Dutch were to us as traders, p. 163

Read, Capt., adopts great circle sailing between the Cape and China in 1788, p. 377

Registry, British Act of, Aug. 1, 1786, requires that every vessel above 15 tons should be accurately measured and registered, p. 245

Revolutionary War creates an immense demand for American ships, p. 363

Roberts, the most famous of the buccaneers, has one ship mounting 40 guns, p. 211

Roe, Sir J., sent as ambassador to the court of the Moghul Emperor of Delhi, p. 158

Russell, Admiral Lord, restores the prestige of England in the Mediterranean, p. 202

Russia, first ambassador from, enters London February 1557, and leaves it for his own country May 1557, after the signature of an important commercial treaty between England and, pp. 82, 83

——, trade with, practically thrown open, 1699, a small fee only being required for admission to the Russia Company, p. 207

——, bribed by the acquisition of Finland, Moldavia, and Wallachia, declares war against England, p. 303

Ryswick, peace of, 1697, causes great prosperity, p. 203

Sargarço, sea covered with, found by De Gama on his homeward voyage, 1499, p. 20

Sail-maker, if he ships as an able seaman, must do seaman’s work, and is expected to go aloft and help in furling sails, etc., if required, p. 524

Scotland, commerce of, chiefly, during the last century, with W. Indies and the plantations of North America, p. 209

Scotland, list (from Chalmers) of ships entering ports of, between 1769 and 1785, p. 244, note

Scott, Sir William, declines to say what is bonâ fide importation, p. 365

—— asserts that all writers on the Law of Nations unanimously admit the right of search, p. 391

Seafaring persons generally divided into three classes, able and ordinary seamen, boys or “green hands,” p. 527

Seaman, able, expected to be a good workman on rigging, making knots, etc., p. 528

Seamen, ordinary, expected to know how to “haul, reef, and steer,” and all the ordinary rigging, etc., but not expected to be complete helmsmen, p. 529

Seamen, proving incompetent, may be reduced from the grade for which they had contracted, p. 527

Seely, Dorothy, petition of, to Elizabeth’s Council, p. 113

Seven Years’ War, heavy expenses of, lead the Legislature to pass, in 1764, several acts unwisely pressing upon the Americans, p. 229

Seymour, Sir T., plans a separate kingdom in the Scilly Islands, p. 112

Sierra Leone, settlement formed at, in 1786, for free negroes, p. 249

Simulated papers provided for ships under the licensing system, p. 317

Shannon, H. M. S., captures the Chesapeake in Boston Bay, p. 332

Sheffield, Lord, and Mr. Chalmers maintain that the loyal colonies are able to supply W. Indies with lumber and provisions, p. 251

Ship-Money, story of the demand for, p. 170

——, struggle about, tends to the separation of the Royal and Mercantile Navy, p. 171

Shipowners, general complaints of the English, after the recommencement of the war with France, p. 285

Shipping Interests in England strenuously advocate the most restrictive policy, p. 252

Slave Trade, commencement and original causes of, p. 120

——, from its commencement, rendered infamous by the characters of those who first engaged in it, p. 121

——, returns of the vessels employed between 1760 and 1786, p. 248

Slaver, Brooks’, details of her capacity, fittings, provisioning, etc., p. 248, note

Smith, Adam, in his ‘Wealth of Nations,’ remarks of, on the wages of English seamen, p. 244

Smith, Capt. John, adventures of, the hero of the ballad, ‘The Honour of a London ’Prentice,’ p. 167

Smuggling, measures for the suppression of in America, p. 231

Smyrna Merchantmen, nearly the whole fleet of, captured by the French, 1692, p. 201

South Dock, forming the city canal, added to West India Docks in 1829, p. 424

South Sea Bubble, remarkable list of the strange schemes suggested for public support by, p. 212

—— peculiarly fatal to genuine commerce, as largely inducing among the people the habit of gambling, p. 212

South Sea Company (1710) had no real basis but the privilege of slaving on a large scale, p. 211

—— prosecutes some rival bubble companies, which leads to a collapse, p. 213

South Sea Directors, several of them severely and justly punished, p. 214

Spain, war with, the immediate result of the accession of Elizabeth, p. 109

——, English hatred of, like that of the Crusaders of the Infidels, p. 110

Spitzbergen, the whale fisheries at, first opened up by the Merchant Adventurers, p. 85

Spragge, Sir Edward, gallant defence of the mouth of the Thames, etc., p. 194, note

Stamp Act of the Grenville Administration, passed March 22, 1765, p. 232

—— burnt in a bonfire in New York, ibid.

Steel-yard, Merchants of, obtain relief from the Act of Edward VI. on the accession of Queen Mary, p. 86

——, largely defraud the revenue by giving rights of denizenship to other foreigners, p. 99

Steward, his duties depend on the class of ship in which he sails, p. 525

—— may be required, in cases of necessity, to lend a hand in working the ship, but not to stand watch, p. 526

Swearing not permitted in ships sent to the North by the Merchant Adventurers’ Co., p. 78

Sweating Sickness, distinctive character of, in 1517, p. 65

Taxation Act, new, passed in 1767, imposes import duties on teas, glass, and other articles, p. 234

Taylor’s, Capt. Meadows, excellent account of the East India Co., given in his ‘Manual of the History of India,’ p. 444, note

Tea, thrown overboard in the harbour of Boston, in 1774, p. 235

Thorne, Mr. Robert, a distinguished merchant of Bristol in the early part of the 16th century, p. 54

——, letter to Henry VIII., on the progress of the discoveries, p. 65

——, in association with Cabot for promoting Spanish trade with the East, p. 69

Tobias, “gentleman fisher and mariner,” views of, p. 165

Tooke, ‘History of Prices,’ note from, on the prices of 1808, p. 309, note

Torture, permitted in some French cruisers against the Americans, p. 362

Trade, Board of, first planned by Charles II. 1668—erected into a permanent establishment 1696, p. 209

——, had originally exclusive superintendence of the commerce of the plantations, p. 210

Trade between England and America, perfectly free on the recognition of American Independence, p. 250

Trade, circuitous routes of, remarkable instances of the, pp. 310-311, notes

Treaty, Commercial, between France and England, signed Sept. 26, 1786, p. 247

Treaty between United States and England, chief articles of, pp. 352-3.

——, date when signed and sanctioned, p. 354

——, a masterpiece of diplomacy, p. 357

——, commercial regulations of, framed on fair and liberal principles of reciprocity, p. 394

——, not carried out owing to the outburst in England on news of the Berlin Decree, p. 394

Treaty of reciprocity between United States and Bremen, p. 407

——, between United States and the King of the Netherlands, ibid.

“Trick, the,” or time at the helm, is two hours, p. 532

Trinity House memorial to King in 1615 strongly recommending protection, p. 166

Turkey Company, great success of, in the Levant, p. 177

Union, Legislative, between England and Scotland in 1707, p. 208

United States strenuously maintain “that the flag covers the merchandise,” p. 266

Vienna, Congress of, interrupted by the news of Napoleon’s escape from Elba, p. 340

Wallis, Capt., the first navigator to give any account of King George’s Island, or Otaheite, p. 219

Walpole, Sir R., recommends, in 1733, the adoption of a system of warehousing, p. 409

——, violent opposition to his excise scheme, 1733, p. 411

War first declared between England and Holland, 1652, p. 186

——, general result that England’s maritime resources increased as the Dutch declined, p. 195

—— formally declared against France, May 18, 1803, p. 283

Watch, each steers in turn, the watch on deck supplying the helmsman, p. 532

—— officer of, expected to stand by helm whenever relieved, p. 533

Watches, on board merchantmen, generally only two, the larboard and starboard, p. 499

Weavers, petition of, in the reign of Philip and Mary, p. 104

Wellington, advance of the troops into France, 1813-14, p. 336

West India Docks (Isle of Dogs), usual mode of conducting business in, p. 425

——, now amalgamated into one Co., with the East India Docks, p. 424

West India merchants, the first to construct wet-docks in London, p. 422

West India Trade, great improvements in the ships employed in, p. 490

West Indies, further concession made to, in 1788, p. 255

——, all vessels from, compelled to deliver their cargoes either in the docks or in the river below Blackwall, p. 423

Wheaton, Mr., says that Americans admitted that their flag could not cover enemy’s goods, p. 303, note

——, fully describes the “rights of war as to neutrals,” in his ‘Elements of International Laws,’ p. 391, note

Whitworth, Lord, applies in vain for equal justice to the English property in France, p. 275

Willoughby, Sir Hugh, and Richard Chancellor despatched to the North, on the recommendation of Sebastian Cabot, p. 76

——, driven on the coast of Lapland, and the whole of the crews of his two ships frozen to death, p. 81

Willoughby, Lord, forms a settlement at Surinam, p. 169

Wines, none from Guienne or Gascony to be imported (during reign of Henry VII.) except in English ships, p. 51

END OF VOL. II.

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.