Part 8

To the like purpose Strabo writes in his Fourth Book: [Footnote: [Greek: Aristokratikai d' esan hai pleious ton politeios, ena d' hegemona herounto kat eniauton to palaion hos d' hautos eis polemon heis hupo tou plethous apedeiknuto strategos.]] "Most of the Commonwealths (says he) were govern'd by the Advice of the Nobles: but every Year they anciently chose a Magistrate; as also the People chose a General to manage their Wars." The like Caesar, lib. 6. Cap. 4. writes in these Words: "Those Commonwealths which are esteem'd to be under the best Administration, have made a Law, that if any Man chance to hear a Rumour or Report abroad among the Bordering People, which concerned the Commonwealth, he ought to inform the Magistrates of it, and communicate it to no body else. The Magistrates conceal what they think proper, and acquaint the Multitude with the rest: For of Matters relating to the Community, it was not permitted to any Person to talk or discourse, but in Council".--Now concerning this Common Council of the whole Nation, we shall quote these few Passages out of Caesar. "They demanded, (says he) lib. 1. cap. 12. a General Council of all Gallia to be summon'd; and that this might be done by Caesar's Consent." Also, lib. 7. cap. 12.--"a Council of all Gallia was summon'd to meet at Bibracte; and there was a vast Concourse from all Parts to that Town."--And lib. 6. cap. 1--"Caesar having summon'd the Council of Gaul to meet early in the Spring, as he had before determin'd: Finding that the Senenes, Carnates and Treviri came not when all the rest came, he adjourned the Council to Paris."--And, lib 7. cap. 6. speaking of Vercingetorix,--"He promis'd himself, that he shou'd be able by his Diligence to unite such Commonwealths to him as dissented from the rest of the Cities of Gaul, and to form a General Council of all Gallia; the Power of which, the whole World should not be able to withstand."

Now concerning the Kings which ruled over certain Cities in Gallia the same Author makes mention of them in very many Places; Out of which this is particularly worthy our Observation: That it was the Romans Custom to caress all those Reguli whom they found proper for their turns: That is, such as were busy men, apt to embroil Affairs, and to sow Dissentions or Animosities between the several Commonwealths. These they joined with in Friendship and Society, and by most honourable publick Decrees called them their Friends and Confederates: And many of these Kings purchased, at a great Expence, this Verbal Honour from the Chief Men of Rome. Now the Gauls called such, Reges, or rather Reguli, which were chosen, not for a certain Term, (as the Magistrates of the Free Cities were) but for their Lives; tho' their Territories were never so small and inconsiderable: And these, when Customs came to be changed by Time, were afterwards called by the Names of Dukes, Earls, and Marquisses.

Of the Commonwealths or Cities, some were much more potent than others; and upon these the lesser Commonwealths depended; these they put themselves under for Protection: Such weak Cities Caesar sometimes calls the Tributaries and Subjects of the former; but, for the most part he says, they were in Confederacy with them. Livius writes, lib. 5. that when Tarquinius Priscus reigned in Rome, the Bituriges had the principal Authority among the Celtae, and gave a King to them. When Caesar first enter'd Gaul, A.U.C. 695. he found it divided into Two Factions; the AEdui were at the Head of the one, the Arverni of the other, who many Years contended for the Superiority: But that which greatly increas'd this Contention, was, Because the Bituriges, who were next Neighbours to the Arverni, were yet in file & imperio that is, Subjects and Allies to the AEdui. On the other hand, the Sequani (tho' Borderers on the AEdui) were under the Protection of the Arverni, lib. 1. Cap. 12. lib. 6. cap. 4. The Romans finding such-like Dissention; to be for their Interest; that is, proper Opportunities to enlarge their own Power, did all they cou'd to foment them: And therefore made a League with the AEdui, whom (with a great many Compliments) they titled Brothers and Friends of the People of Rome. Under the Protection and League of the AEdui, I find to have been first the Senones, with whom some time before the Parisians had join'd their Commonwealth in League and Amity. Next, the Bellouaci, who had nevertheless a great City of their own, abounding in Numbers of People, and were of principal Authority and Repute among the Belgae, lib. 2. cap. 4. and lib. 7. cap. 7. Caesar reckons the Centrones, Grudii, Levaci, Pleumosii, Gordunni, under the Dominion of the Nervii, lib. 5. cap. 11. He names the Eburones and Condrasii as Clients of the Treviri, lib. 4. cap. 2. And of the Commonwealth of the Veneti (these are in Armorica or Brittanny) he writes, that their Domination extended over all those Maritime Regions; and that almost all that frequented those Seas were their Tributaries, lib. 3. cap. 2. But the Power of the Arverni was so great, that it not only equall'd that of the AEdui, but a little before Caesar's Arrival, had got most of their Clients and Dependents from them, lib. 6 cap. 4. lib. 7. cap. 10. Whereupon, as Strabo writes in his 4th Book, they made War against Caesar with Four hundred thousand Men under the Conduct of their General Vercingetorix. These were very averse to Kingly Government: So that Celtillus, Father to Vercingetorix, a Man of great Power and Reputation (reckon'd the first Man in all Gaul,) was put to Death, by Order of his Commonwealth, for aspiring to the Kingdom. The Sequani, on the other hand, had a King, one Catamantales, to whom the Romans gave the Title of their Friend and Ally, lib. 1. cap. 2. Also the Suessiones, who were Masters of most large and fertile Territories, with 12 great Cities, and cou'd muster Fifty thousand fighting Men, had a little before that time Divitiacus, the most potent Prince of all Gallia for their King; he had not only the Command of the greatest Part of Belgae, but even of Britanny. At Caesar's Arrival they had one Galba for their King, lib. 2. cap. 1. In Aquitania, the Grandfather of one Piso an Aquitanian reigned, and was called Friend by the People of Rome, lib. 4. cap. 3. The Senones, a People of great Strength and Authority among the Gauls, had for some time Moritasgus their King; whose Ancestors had also been Kings in the same Place, lib. 5. cap. 13. The Nitiobriges or Agenois, had Olovico for their King; and he also had the Appellation given him of Friend by the Senate of Rome, lib. 7. cap. 6.

But concerning all these Kingdoms, one thing is remarkable, and must not lightly be past by; which is That they were not hereditary, but conferr'd by the People upon such as had the Reputation of being just Men. Secondly, That they had no arbitrary or unlimited Authority, but were bound and circumscribed by Laws; so that they were no less accountable to, and subject to the Power of the People, than the People was to theirs; insomuch that those Kingdoms seem'd nothing else but Magistracies for Life. For Caesar makes mention of several private Men, whose Ancestors had formerly been such Kings; among these he reckons Casticus, the Son of Catamantales, whose Father had been King of the Sequani many Years, lib. 1. cap. 2. and Piso the Aquitanian, lib. 4. cap. 3. also Tasgetius, whose Ancestors had been Kings among the Carnutes, lib. 5. cap. 8.

Now concerning the Extent of their Power and Jurisdiction, he brings in Ambiorix, King of the Eburones, giving an account of it, lib. 5. cap. 8. "The Constitution of our Government is such (says he) that the People have no less Power and Authority over me than I have over the People. Non minus habet in me juris multitudo, quam ipse in multitudinem." Which Form of Government, Plato, Aristotle, Polybius and Cicero have for this Reason determined to be the best and most Excellent: "Because (says Plato) shou'd Kingly Government be left without a Bridle, when it has attained to supreme Power, as if it stood upon a slippery Place, it easily falls into Tyranny: And therefore it ought to be restrained as with a Curb, by the Authority of the Nobles; and such chosen men as the People have empower'd to that End and Purpose."

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CHAP. II.

Probable Conjectures concerning the ancient Language of the Gauls.

In this Place it seems proper to handle a Question much disputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; viz. What was the Language of the Gauls in those old Times? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, Caesar, as I said before, has at large given us an account. In the first place we ought to take notice, that Caesar, in the Beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into Three Nations, the Belgae, the Aquitanae, and the Celtae, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their Customs, but in their Language [Footnote: [Greek: all enious micron parallattontas tais glottais]]: Which also Strabo confirms, lib. 4. where he says they were not [Greek: homolhottous], of one Language, but a little differing in their Languages. And the same thing Ammianus Marcellinus testifies in his 15th Book. But what many Learned Men (especially of our own Country) have maintain'd, viz. That the Gauls commonly used the Greek Tongue, may be refuted by this single Instance which Caesar takes notice of lib. 5. cap. 12. That when Q. Cicero was besieged in his Camp, he dispatched Letters written in the Greek Language, "Lest (if they were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Gauls." But to this some object, what Strabo writes, lib. 4. viz. "That all Sorts of good Literature (and especially that of the Greek Language) flourish'd at Marseilles to such a degree, that the Gauls, by the Example of the Massilians, were mightily delighted with the Greek Tongue, insomuch that they began to write their very Bargains and Contracts in it." Now to this there is a short and ready Reply: For, in the first place, if the Gauls learnt Greek by the Example of the Massilians, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mother-tongue. Secondly, Strabo in the same place clearly shows us, that the Fashion of writing their Contracts in Greek began but in his Time, when all Gallia was in Subjection to the Romans. Besides, he speaks precisely only of those Gauls who were Borderers and next Neighbours to the Massilians, of whom he says, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and proposing great Rewards) invited several Learned Men of Massilia to instruct their Youth.

It remains that we shou'd clear that place in Caesar, where he tells us the Gauls, in their publick and private Reckonings, Graecis literis usos fuisse. But let us see whether the word Graecis in that place ought not to be left out, not only as unnecessary but surreptitious. Since it was sufficient to express Caesar's Meaning to have said, that the Gauls made no use of Letters or Writing in the Learning of the Druids, but in all other Matters, and in publick and private Accounts, they did make use of Writing: For uti litteris, to use Letters, is a frequent Expression for Writing among Latin Authors. Besides, it had been a Contradiction to say the Gauls were unskill'd in the Greek Tongue, as Caesar had averr'd a little before; and afterwards to say, that they wrote all their publick and private Accounts in Greek. As to what many suppose, that the words literis Graecis in that place, are not to be taken for Writing Greek, but only for the Characters of the Letters; I can less approve of this Explanation than the former; because though many ancient Writers (as we just now said) frequently used the Expression, Uti litteris for Scribere; yet I never observ'd, that any of them ever used it to signify the Forms and Fashions of the Characters. Neither does it make at all for their Opinion, what Caesar says in the First Book of his Commentaries, viz. That there were found in the Helvetian Camp, Tablets, literis Graecis conscriptas; as if the same Person, who had learnt to make use of the Greek Forms of Characters, might not as easily have learnt the Greek Language; or as if there might not be among the Helvetii, Priests or Gentlemens Sons, who might then have learnt Greek, as our's now learn Latin; Greek being at that Time a Language in Vogue and Esteem. The very Neighbourhood of the School of Massilia is sufficient to confute that Opinion: And therefore Caesar, when he speaks of his own Letter to Cicero, tells us, he sent that Letter written in Greek Characters, lest (in case it were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Enemy. Justinius, lib. 20. says, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that no Carthaginian, after that Time, shou'd study the [Footnote: Graecis literas.] Greek Language or Writing, lest he shou'd be able to speak or write to the Enemy without an Interpreter. Tacitus, in his Book de moribus Germanorum, tells us, that several Tombs and Monuments were yet to be seen in the Confines of Germany and Swisserland with Greek Inscriptions on them. Livius, lib. 9. says, The Roman Boys formerly studied the Tuscan Language, as now they do the Greek. And in his 28th Book,--"Hanibal erected an Altar, and dedicated it with a large Inscription of all his Atchievements, in the Greek and Punick Tongues. Idem Lib. 40. Both Altars and Inscriptions on them in the Greek and Latin Tongues." Lastly, I cannot imagine, that Caesar wou'd have expressed himself (if he had meant, as these wou'd have him) Graecis literis scribere; but rather, Graecarum literarum forma, as we see in Tacitus, Lib. 11. "Novas literarum formas addidit." He added new Characters of Letters: Having found, that the Greek Literature was not begun and perfected at once. And again,--"Et forme literis latinis quae veterrimis Graecorum, &c."

Now lest any body shou'd wonder, how the Word Graecis crept into Caesar's Text, I will instance you the like Mischance in Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 57. where 'tis thus written,--"Gentium consensus tacitus primum omnium conspiravit ut IONUM literis uterentur." And afterwards,--"Sequens gentium consensus in tonsoribus fuit." And again,--"Tertius consensus est in Horarum observatione." Now who is there that sees not plainly the Word IONUM ought to be left out, as well because 'tis apparently unnecessary, (for Pliny had no farther Design than to let us know, that Men first of all consented in the Writing and Form of their Letters) as because 'tis false, that the Ionian Letters were the first invented; as Pliny himself in his foregoing Chapter, and Tacitus, lib. 11. have told us? I have observed however two Places, (Gregorius Turonensis, lib. 5. and Aimoinus, lib. 3. cap. 41.) wherein 'tis intimated, that the Gauls used the Forms of the Greek Letters: For where they speak of King Chilperick,--"He added (say they) some Letters to our Letters; and those were, [Greek: o, ps, z, ph]; and sent Epistles to the several Schools in his Kingdom, that the Boys should be so taught." Aimoinus mentions only three Letters, [Greek: ch, th, ph]. But we must understand, that these were Franks, not Gauls; or rather Franco-gauls, who made use of their own native Language, the German Tongue; not that ancient Language of the Gauls, which had grown out of use under the Roman Government: Besides, if the Francogalli had made use of the Greek Letters, how came they at first to except these, when they made use of all the rest? But we have said enough, and too much of this Matter. As for their Opinion who believe that the Gauls spoke the German Language, Caesar confutes it in that single place, wherein he tells us, that Ariovistus, by Reason of his long Conversation in Gallia, spoke the Gallick Tongue.

Now for two Reasons their Opinion seems to me to be most probable, who write, that the Ancient Gauls had a peculiar Language of their own, not much differing from the British: First, because Caesar tells us it was the Custom for these Gauls who had a mind to be thoroughly instructed in the Learning of the Druyds, to pass over into Britain; and since the Druyds made no use of Books, 'tis agreeable to Reason, that they taught in the same Language which was used in Gallia. Secondly, because Tacitus in his Life of Agricola, writes, that the Language of the Gauls and Britains differ'd but very little: neither does that Conjecture of Beatus Rhenanus seem unlikely to me, who believes the Language which is now made use of in Basse Bretayne [Britones Britonantes] to be the Remains of our ancient Tongue. His Reasons for this Opinion may be better learn'd from his own Commentaries, than told in this Place. The Language which we at present make use of, may easily be known to be a Compound of the several Tongues of divers Nations. And (to speak plainly and briefly) may be divided into four Parts. One half of it we have from the Romans, as every one that understands Latin ever so little, may observe: For besides, that the Gauls being subject to the Romans, wou'd naturally fall into their Customs and Language, 'tis manifest that the Romans were very industrious to propagate their Tongue, and to make it universal, and (as it were) venerable among all Nations. And to that End settled Publick Schools up and down, at Autan, Besancon, Lyons, &c. as Valerius Maximus, Tacitus, and Ausonius tell us. The other half of it may be subdivided thus. One third of it we hold from the Ancient Gauls, another from the Franks, and the last from the Greek Language: For it has been demonstrated long since by many Authors, that we find innumerable Frank (that is, German) Words (as we shall hereafter prove) in our daily Speech. And several learned Men have shewn us, that many Greek Words are adapted to our common Use, which we do not owe to the Learning and Schools of the Druyds, (who I believe spoke no Greek); but to the Schools and Conversation of the Massilians, whom we formerly mentioned.

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CHAP. III.

The State of Gaul, after it was reduced into the form of a Province by the Romans.

'Tis very well known to all learned Men, that Gaul, after having been often attempted with various Success, during a ten Years War, and many Battels, was at last totally subdued by Caesar and reduced into the Form of a Province. It was the Misfortune of this most valiant and warlike People, to submit at length to the Great Beast, as it is called in Scripture, with which however they so strove for Empire for eight hundred Years, (as Josephus informs us) that no Wars with any other Nation, so much terrified Rome. And Plutarch in his Lives of Marcellus and Camillus; Appian in his 2d Book of the Civil Wars; Livius, lib. 8. & 10. have recorded, that the Romans were so afraid of the Gauls, that they made a Law, whereby all the Dispensations (formerly granted to Priests and old Men, from serving in their Armies) were made void, in Case of any Tumult or Danger arising from the Gauls; which Cicero takes notice of in his 2d Philippick. Caesar himself in his 6th Book, and after him Tacitus, lib. de moribus Germanorum, do testify, That there was a time wherein the Gauls excell'd the Germans in Valour, and carried the War into their Territories, settling Colonies (by reason of their great Multitudes of People) beyond the Rhine.

Now Tacitus in his Life of Agricola, attributes, the Loss of this their so remarkable Valour, to the Loss of their Liberty. "Gallos in bellis floruisse accepimus, mox segnities cum otio intravit, amissa Virtute pariter ac Libertate--." And I hope the Reader will excuse me, if the Love of my Country makes me add that remarkable Testimony of the Valour of the Gauls, mentioned by Justin, lib. 24.--"The Gauls (says he) finding their Multitudes to increase so fast, that their Lands cou'd not afford them sufficient Sustenance, sent out Three hundred thousand Souls to seek for new Habitations. Part of these: seated themselves in Italy; who both took and burnt the City of Rome. Another part penetrated as far as the Shores of Dalmatia, destroying infinite Numbers of the Barbarians, and settled themselves at last in Pannonia. A hardy bold and warlike Nation; who ventured next after Hercules, (to whom the like Attempt gave a Reputation of extraordinary Valour, and a Title to Immortality) to cross those almost inaccessible Rocks of the Alps, and Places scarce passable by Reason of the Cold: Where after having totally subdued the Pannonians they waged War with the bordering Provinces for many Years.--And afterwards--being encouraged by their Success, subdivided their Parties; when some took their Way to Graecia some to Macedonia, destroying all before them with Fire and Sword. And so great was the Terror of the Name of the Gauls, that several Kings (not in the least threatned by them) of their own accord, purchased their Peace with large Sums of Money--. And in the following Book, he says,--So great was the Fruitfulness of the Gauls at that time, that like a Swarm they fill'd all Asia. So that none of the Eastern Kings either ventured to make War without a mercenary Army of Gauls, or fled for Refuge to other than the Gauls, when they were driven out of their Kingdoms." And thus much may suffice concerning their warlike Praises and Fortitude, which (as Tacitus tells us) was quite gone, as soon as they lost their Liberty. Yet some Cities, or Commonwealths, (as Phnius, lib. 4. cap. 11. tells us) were permitted to continue free, after the Romans had reduced Gallia to the Form of a Province. Such were the Nervii, Ulbanesses, Suessiones and Leuci. Also some of the Confederates: and among these he reckons the Lingones, Rhemi, Carnutes and AEdui.

But we may easily learn from these Words of Critegnatus the Arvernian, mentioned by Caesar, lib. 7. what the Condition was of those Commonwealths, which had the Misfortune to be reduced into the Form of a Province. "If" (says he) "you are ignorant after what manner far distant Nations are used by the Romans, you have no more to do, but to look at our neighbouring Gallia, now reduced into the Form of a Province: Which having its Laws and Customs chang'd, and being subjected to the Power of the Axes, is oppress'd with perpetual Slavery."

We are to understand, there were three kinds of Servitude, or Slavery. First, To have a Garison of Soldiers imposed upon them, to keep them in Awe; yet such Provinces as seemed peaceable and quiet, had no great Armies maintained in them. For Josephus writes in his 2d Book of the Hist. of the Jews, "That in the Emperor Titus's time, the Romans had but 1200 Soldiers in Garison in all Gaul, altho'" (says he) "they had fought with the Romans for their Liberty, almost 800 Years, and had near as many Cities, as the Romans had Garison-Soldiers." A Second Sort of Servitude was, when any Province was made Tributary, and compelled to pay Taxes; and to that End were forced to endure a Number of Tax-gatherers, that is, Harpies and Leeches, which suck'd out the very Blood of the Provincials. Eutropius tells us, in his 6th Book, That Caesar, as soon as he had subdued Gaul, impos'd a Tax upon it, by the Name of a Tribute, which amounted to H. S. Quadringenties: which is about a Million of our Crowns. A Third Sort of Servitude was, when the Provinces were not permitted to be govern'd by their own Laws; but had Magistrates and Judges, with full Power and Authority (cum imperio & securibus) over Life and Estate, sent them by the People of Rome. This Threefold Slavery not only our Gallia, but all the other Provinces, took most bitterly to heart; and therefore in Tiberius's Reign, not long after Caesar's Conquest, Tacitus tells us, That the Cities of Gaul rebell'd, because of the Continuance of Taxes, the Extortions of Usurers, and Insolence of the Soldiery. And afterwards in Nero's Reign, Suetonius writes, "That the Gauls being weary of his Tyranny, revolted. The World" (says he) "having for near 13 Years, endured such a Sort of Prince, at last shook him off: The Gauls beginning the Defection." Now all Gallia was divided by the Romans into 16 Provinces, viz. Viennensis, Narbonensis prima, Narbonensis secunda, Aquitania prima, Aquitania secunda, Novempopulana, Alpes maritimae, Belgica prima, Belgica secunda, Germania prima, Germania secunda, Lugdunensis prima, Lugdunensis secunda, Lugdunensis tertia, Maxima Sequanorum, & Alpes Graecas, as Antoninus in his Itinerary, and Sextus Rufus, give an Account of them. But Ammianus Marcellinus treats of them more particularly.

But to return to what we were speaking of: 'Tis not to be imagined how grievously, and with what Indignation the Gauls bore the Indecencies and Plunderings of the Romans; nor how frequently they revolted upon that Account and because they were not strong enough of themselves to shake off the Roman Tyranny, 'twas common Custom with them, to hire German Auxiliaries. These were the first beginnings of the Colonies of the Franks; For those Germans, whether they were beaten by the Romans, or (which is more likely) were bought off by them, began by little and little, to settle themselves in the borders of Gallia. This gave to Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, to say,--"He drove the Germans beyond the River Elb; but the Suevi and Sicambri (submitting themselves); he transplanted into Gallia where he assign'd them Lands near the river Rhine."--Also in his Life of Therius,--"He brought (says he) forty thousand of those that had surrendred themselves in the German War, over into Gallia, and allotted them Settlements upon the Banks of the Rhine."--Neither must we omit what Flavius Vepiseus records, concerning the Reign of Probus the Emperor; in whose time almost all Gallia, that is, sixty Cities, revolted from the Romans; and with common Consent, took up Arms for the Recovery of' their Liberty:--"Having done these things (says he) he march'd with a vast Army into Gaul, which after Posthumus's Death was all in Commotion, and when Aurelianus was kill'd, was In a Manner possessed by the Germans; there he gain'd so many Victories, that he recover'd from the Barbarians sixty of the most noble Cities of Gallia: And whereas they had overspread all Gallia without Controul, he slew near four hundred thousand of those that had seated themselves within the Roman Territories, and transplanted the Remainders of them beyond the Rivers Neckar, and Elb."

But how cruel and inhuman the Domination of the Romans was in Gallia: How intolerable their Exactions were: What horrible and wicked Lives they led; and with how great Inveteracy and Bitterness they were hated upon that Account by the Gauls, (especially by the Christians) may best be learn'd from the Works of Salvianus, Bishop of Marseilles, which treat of Providence: Therefore 'tis incredible to tell, what Multitudes of Germans pour'd themselves into Gallia; the Gauls not only not hindring, but even favouring and calling them in. Latinus Pacatus, in his Speech to Theodesius, has this Passage; "From whence shou'd I begin my Discourse, but from thy Mischiefs, O Gallia! who may'st justly challenge a Superiority in Sufferings, above all the Nations of the Earth, that have been vexed with this Plague?"--Now 'tis most plain both from Sidonius Apollinaris, and especially from the above-mentioned Salvianus, in many Places of his Writings, that our Franks were a Part of those German Nations, who thus entred into Gallia.

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CHAP. IV.

Of the Original of the Franks; who having possessed themselves of Gallia, changed its Name, into that of Francia, or Francogallia.

The Order of our Discourse requires, that we should now enquire into the Original of the Franks, and trace them from their first Habitations, or (as it were) their very Cradles: In which Disquisition 'tis very much to be admired, that no mention has been made of them by Ptolomy, Strabo, or even by Tacitus himself, who of all Writers was most accurate in describing the Names and Situations of all the German Nations: and 'tis plain, the Franks were a German People, who possessed most part of Europe for many Years, with great Reputation; of which we will quote but a few Instances out of many.

First, Joannes Nauclerus says thus,--"Charles the Great was call'd King of the Franks; which is as much as to say, King of Germany and France." Now 'tis demonstrable, that at that time all Gallia Transalpina, and all Germany from the Pyrenaeen Mountains, as far as Hungary, was called Francia: This last was called Eastern France, the former Western France; and in this all true Historians agree.

Eguinarthus, in his Life of Charlemain, says,--"The Banks of the River Sala, which divides the Taringi from the Sorabi, were afterwards inhabited by those called the Eastern Franks." Otto Frising. Chron. 5. cap. 4. speaking of King Dagaber's Reign, "The Bounds of the Franks Dominions reach'd now (says he) from Spain, as far as Hungary, being two most noble Dukedoms, Aquitania and Bavaria";--but much more at large, lib. 6. cap. 17. And after him Godfrey of Viterbo, in his Chronic. part. 17. sub Anno 881, "Arnulphus (says he) ruled all Eastern Francia, which is now called the Teutonick Kingdom, or Germany; that is to say, Bavaria, Suabia, Saxonia, Turingia, Frisia and Lotharingia; but Odo was king of Western France." Again, sub Anno 913. "It is apparent by the Authority of many Writers, that the Kingdom of Germany, which the Emperor Frederick at present holds, is part of the Kingdom of the Franks; for there (on both sides of the Rhine) the first Franks were seated; which as far as to the Limits of Bavaria, is now called Eastern France: But Western France is that Kingdom which lies on both Sides the Rivers Seine and Loire"--And again he says, "In the time of Charles the Great, King of the Franks, all Gallia, that is, Celtica, Belgica, and Lugdunensis and all Germany which reaches from the Rhine as far as Dalmatia, made but one Kingdom; which was called Francia"--Almost all which Quotations have been taken out of Otto, as I said before. 'Tis to be noted, that Rhegino writes thus, in Chron. anni 577.--"After the Death of King Pipin, Lewis his Son (who had been present at his Father's Decease and celebrated his Funerals) kept his Residence at Francfort, the principal Seat of the Eastern Kingdom." Luitprandus Ticinensis says, lib. 1. cap. 6.--"It was order'd that Wido shou'd have for his Share, that which Men call the Roman France, and Berengarius shou'd have Italy." And a little after,--"When he had march'd thro' the Territories of the Burgundians, he purposed to enter Roman France, &c." Now it was call'd Roman France, first, because the Franks had possessed themselves of that Gallia, which was under the Roman Obedience. Secondly, because the Roman Language prevail'd in that Country, as we formerly told you: Whence arose the Saying, Loqui Romanum, of such as used not the German or Frank; but the Latin Tongue. Otto Frisingius, chron. 4. cap. penult. says,--"It seems to me, that those Franks who dwell in Gallia, borrowed the Language, which they make use of to this Day, from the Romans; for the others who stay'd about the Rhine, and in Germany use the Teutonick Tongue."--And in Imitation of him, Godfridus, part. 17. cap. 1.--"The Franks (says he) seem to me to have learn'd the Language which they make use of to this Day, from the Romans, who formerly dwelt in those Parts."--From all these 'tis apparent, that the Reputation and Power of the Franks was extraordinary great; as 'twas fitting for such as were Masters of a great Part of Europe.

Moreover we find, that those Germans which were transplanted by the Emperor Frederick the IId, into the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and establish'd there as a presidiary Colony, were called Franks. Petrus de Vineis, lib. epist. 6. cap. 25. [Footnote: These are only broken pieces of Sentences, to prove, that the Germans (establish'd in Naples and Sicily) were called, and actually were Franks.] --"Following (says he) the Law and Custom of the Franks, in this Instance, that the Eldest Brother to the Exclusion of all the Younger succeeds, even in the Camp it self." Imp. Freder. 2. Neapol. constit. lib. 2. tit. 32. speaking of those Franks, "who upon Occasion trusted the Fortune of their Lives, and of all their Estates, to the Event of a Duel, or single Combat." And again,--"The aforesaid manner of Proof, which all who observe the Rites of the Franks made use of"--. Also lib. 2. tit. 33.--"which Law, our Will is, shall in all Causes be common both to the Franks and Longobards."