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Chronicles of Pharmacy, Vol. 1 (of 2) · A. C. Wootton — chapter 44 of 51 · ~1,928 words · public domain

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The new substance excited great curiosity in scientific circles all over Europe, but the German chemists who knew anything about it kept their information secret, and only misleading stories of its origin were published. Robert Boyle, however, who was travelling on the Continent when the interest in the discovery was keenest, got a hint of the method of manufacture, and on his return to England proceeded to experiment. His operator and assistant in these investigations was Ambrose Godfrey Hanckwitz, who became the founder of a London pharmaceutical business which still exists. Ultimately Boyle and Hanckwitz were completely successful, and for many years the “English phosphorus” supplied by Hanckwitz from his laboratory in Southampton Street, Strand, monopolised the European market. According to a pamphlet published by him, entitled “Historia Phosphori et Fama,” the continental phosphorus was an “unctuous, dawbing oyliness,” while his was the “right glacial” kind.

In 1680 Boyle deposited with the Royal Society, of which he was then president, a sealed packet containing an account of his experiments and of his process for the production of the “Icy Noctiluca,” as he called his phosphorus.

It is related in the Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences of Paris for 1737 that in that year a stranger appeared in Paris and offered for a stipulated reward to communicate the process of making phosphorus to the French Government. A committee of the Academy, with Hellot as its president, was appointed to witness the stranger’s manipulation. According to the report of this committee, the experiment was completely successful.

It only remains to add, to complete the history, that in 1769, Gahn, a Swedish mine owner, discovered phosphorus in bones, and that working from this observation Scheele in 1775 devised the process for the manufacture of phosphorus which is still followed.

Such a remarkable substance as phosphorus, extracted as it had been from the human body, was evidently marked out for medical uses. Experiments were soon commenced with it. Kunckel’s “luminous pills” were the first in the field, so far as is known. His report was published in the “Chemische Anmerkungen” in 1721. He gave it in three-grain doses, and reported that it had a calmative effect! Subsequently it was tried in various diseases by continental practitioners. Mentz commended it in colic, Langensalz in asthenic fevers, Bonneken in tetanus, Wetkard in apoplexy, and Trampel in gout.

In 1769 Alphonse Leroy, of Paris, reported a curious experience. He was sent for to a patient apparently on the point of death from phthisis. Seeing that the case was hopeless, he prepared and administered a placebo of sugared water. Calling the next day, Leroy found his patient somewhat revived, and on examining the sugar which he had used for his solution, he found that some phosphorus had been kept in it for a long time. The patient was much too far gone to recover, but she survived for fifteen days, and Leroy attributed this amelioration to the phosphorised water which he had accidentally given her.

Gahn discovered phosphorus in the bones in 1768, and in 1779 another German chemist named Hensing ascertained its presence in a fatty matter which he extracted from the brain. Medical theories were naturally based on these observations. Couerbe, a French chemist quoted by Dr. Churchill, wrote thus in 1830:

“The want of phosphorus in the brain would reduce man to the sad condition of the brute; an excess of this element irritates the nervous system, excites the individual, and throws him into that terrible state of disturbance called madness, or mental alienation; a moderate proportion gives rise to the sublimest ideas, and produces that admirable harmony which spiritualists call the soul.”

British practitioners took but very little notice of phosphorus as a remedy in the first century of its career, although it remained for a large part of that period an English product.

It is rather curious, too, that neither in this country nor on the Continent did it get into the hands of the empirics, as mercury, antimony, and other dangerous drugs did. It may be supposed that it was not so much the danger that checked them as the pharmaceutical difficulties in the way of preparing suitable medicines. The earliest preparations of phosphorus, such as Kunckel’s pills, were a combination of it in a free state with conserve of roses. This method was gradually abandoned on account of the difficulty of subdividing the phosphorus so perfectly that the dose could be measured accurately. But as Dr. Ashburton Thompson remarks, “although it is not so specifically mentioned, the uncertainty of action which imperfectly divided phosphorus exhibits” had something to do with the rejection of the old formulas. That is putting it very gently. The three-grain doses must have killed more people than they cured. The author just quoted says that in the early days “the dose employed seldom fell below 3 grains, while it occasionally rose as high as 12 grains.” Even Leroy, he adds, instituted his experiments by taking a bolus of 3 grains, and he did not seriously suffer from it. The recommended dose has been regularly declining. In 1855 Dr. Hughes Bennett gave it at one-fortieth to one-eighth of a grain. The Pharmacopœia now prescribes one-hundredth to one-twentieth of a grain.

THE HYPOPHOSPHITES.

The hypophosphites in the form of syrup were introduced by Dr. J. F. Churchill, of Paris, as specifics in consumptive diseases about 1857. His preference of these salts over the phosphates was based on the theory that the deficiency in the system in a phthisical condition was not of phosphates, which had been completely oxidised, but of a phosphide in an oxidisable condition, and this requirement was fulfilled by the hypophosphites. The latter he compared to wood or coal, the phosphates to ashes, so far as active energy was concerned. Dr. Churchill’s interest in a special manufacture of the hypophosphite syrups prejudiced the medical profession against his theories, and it is not certain that he got a fair hearing in consequence. The general verdict was that his results were not obtained by other experimenters, but for a good many years past syrups of the hypophosphites have been among the most popular of our general tonics.

Phosphorus is soluble in alcohol, ether, chloroform, bisulphide of carbon, and to a very small extent in water.

* * * * *

Phosphor paste as a vermin killer was ordered by the Prussian Government to be substituted for arsenical compounds in 1843, and it is probable that to some degree the alteration has been successful, though in France it was found that phosphorus in this form became a popular agent for suicide and criminal poisoning.

SAL PRUNELLA

was at one time in high esteem, as it was believed that by the process adopted for making it the nitre was specially purified. Purified nitre was melted in an iron pot and a little flowers of sulphur (1 oz. to 2 lb.) was sprinkled on it, a little at a time. The sulphur deflagrating was supposed to exercise the purifying influence on the nitre. The actual effect was to convert a small part of the nitrate of potash into sulphate. It was first called Sal Prunella in Germany from the belief that it was a specific against a certain plum-coloured quinsy of an epidemic character. Boerhaave advised the omission of the sulphur, but believed that melting the pure nitre and moulding it was of medicinal value by evaporating aqueous moisture.

Nitre and flowers of sulphur were deflagrated together before the Sal Prunella theory was invented, equal quantities being employed. The resulting combination, which was of course sulphate of potash, was known as Sal Polychrestum, the Salt of Many Virtues.

SAL GEMMÆ.

Sal Gemmæ or Sal Fossile was the name given to rock salt, particularly to the transparent and the tinted varieties. It was believed to be more penetrating than the salt derived from sea water, and this property Lemery ascribed to the circumstance that it had never been dissolved in water, and therefore retained all its native keenness.

SPIRIT OF SALT.

Spiritus Salis Marini Glauberi was one of the products discovered by Glauber, to whom we owe the name of spirit of salt. He was a keen observer and remarked on the suffocating vapour yielded as soon as oil of vitriol was poured on sea-salt. It is astonishing to his biographers that he just missed discovering chlorine. The spirit of salt was highly recommended for many medicinal uses; for exciting the appetite, correcting the bile, curing gangrene, and dissolving stone. Its remarkable property of assisting nitric acid to dissolve gold was soon observed and was attributed to its penetrating power.

TARTAR.

Tartarus was the mythological hell where the gods imprisoned and punished those who had offended them. Virgil represents it as surrounded by three walls and the river Phlegethon, whose waters were sulphur and pitch. Its entrance was protected by a tower wrapped in a cloud three times as black as the darkest night, a gate which the gods themselves could not break, and guarded by Cerberus.

There is nothing to associate this dismal place with the tartar of chemistry, except that in old books it is said that Paracelsus so named the product because it “produces oil, water, tincture, and salt, which burn the patient as Tartarus does.” Paracelsus did not invent the name of tartar; it is found in many alchemical books long before his time. The earliest found use of it is in an alchemical work by Hortulcuus, an English alchemist of the eleventh century.

Paracelsus was writing about “tartarous diseases” (“De Morbis Tartareis”), those, that is, which resulted from the deposit of concretions. Stone, gravel, and gout were among these diseases of tartar, and evidently it was this morbid tartar which he associated with the legendary Tartarus. The word tartar, applied to the deposit from wine, is sometimes supposed to have descended from an Egyptian term, dardarot, meaning an eternal habitation, and etymologists generally prefer it as the origin of the name. If it was, the sense development of the term as applied to the chemical is not clear. The Greek word tartarizein, meaning to shiver with cold, does not help much in tracing the history of the word. Another frequently advocated derivation is the Arab, durd, dregs, sediment, which it is said was actually applied to the tartar of wine. It appears, too, that the Arabs used this term also as we do to represent the deposit on teeth; they also had a word, dirad, to mean a shedding of teeth, and by darda they signified a toothless old woman. Some etymologists consider, however, that the transition from durd to tartar would be most unlikely.

When the alchemists began to experiment with tartar their first process would be to distil it. The residue left in their retorts they called the salt of tartar. They knew this substance under other names, salt of wormwood, for instance, but they did not recognise the identity. By treating tartar with vinegar they produced acetate of potash, which they called regenerated tartar. Oswald Crollius, the compiler of the first European pharmacopœia, gave the name of vitriolated tartar to what we now know as sulphate of potash.

The iatro-chemists of the next century, who obtained it by various methods, gave to sulphate of potash distinct names which show in what esteem it was held. Among other designations it appears as Specificum purgans, Arcanum duplicatum, Nitrum fixum, Panacea holsatica, and Sel de duobus. Glaser, who produced it from sulphur, saltpetre, and urine distilled together, sold it as Sal Polychrest of Glaser.

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