Part 31

The city jail was in a gloomy location. The hour was well along in the evening, and Newcomb's nerve was shaky. I took him to the Eutaw House, before General Wallace, Colonel Woolley and Mr. Seward. At first he (Newcomb) stoutly denied knowledge of the forgeries; my judgment as to his probable weakness was in jeopardy. I asked Newcomb to come out in the hall, where I told him that he could do just as he saw fit about confessing, but that I was the convalescent soldier who voted right there in the office when Donohue and he were doing the work. Then he begged to be again taken before General Wallace, whereupon he confessed all.

In the meantime I had choked up the mail and express companies for all matter bearing the New York State Agency label, and among the mass we got my document, but it contained a good straight McClellan ballot, as did Mr. Babcock's.

On Tuesday (the 25th) the Doubleday Military Commission of Washington was convened at Baltimore, and before the day was over Newcomb had confessed and Ferry tried to, but he so falsified his statement that it did not merit consideration. The desirability for haste to make public the fraud was because the country had been flooded with these fraudulent papers, which could not be intercepted, except by publicity through the channel of the newspapers; therefore after the 27th of October the matter was made public.

Appleton says they were arrested on the 27th, but the facts, "between the lines," are as I have told you. The kidnapping was a success. Four public men were taken away from their business and usual haunts, and hidden for four days without leaving a trace.

I found in Ferry's office many rich things. Among them was a letter from Ferry to John F. Seymour, Hudson, Columbia County, New York (the Governor's brother), accompanying a package of these forged papers, and telling him to use them where his judgment suggested, or words to that effect.

I offered General Wallace to try to incriminate Seymour, if I could have two or three days' time; but the General advised against it, having so little time even then for publicity before election day.

The whole country was roused to action. The matter was treated by the newspapers as of as much importance as the army movements. It was given first column, first page, place, with flaming, startling headlines. One paper had it: "Great Soldier Vote Fraud. Arrest of Governor Seymour's State Agents. The Most Stupendous Fraud Ever Known in Politics." "A systematic and widespread conspiracy has been brought to light, carried on by agents here (Washington), at Baltimore, Harper's Ferry and in the Army of the Potomac. Men now in custody have been actively engaged in this business for weeks, as one of the parties involved (Newcomb) declared. Forged ballots have been forwarded in dry goods boxes, etc."

Such startling accounts were continued for many days. It was also treated editorially. It was not considered merely as a political move to secure office, but as a move to secure a false verdict on the matter of the continuance of the war. Appleton's Encyclopedia for 1864 has several columns of matter on the election fraud case.

The following order was issued by Major General Hooker, commanding the Northern Department.

Cincinnati, Ohio. Oct. 27, 1864.

"The Commander of this Department has received information that it is the intention of a large body of men on the Northern frontier, on each side of the line, open on one side and in disguise on the other, to so organize at the ensuing National Election, as to interfere with the integrity of the election, and when in their power to cast illegal votes, &c."

A number of Ohio election officers were arrested for imitating the New York State Agents' rascalities.

Notwithstanding all efforts made to publish the facts, the conspirators came too near success. New York polled about 730,000 votes; Mr. Lincoln's majority was only about 6,700; and of the total vote of 2,401,000 in the great States of New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, if less than three per cent. had been cast on the other side, Lincoln would have been defeated and the Union destroyed. A twig may change the trajectory of a cannon ball; a letter "l" misplaced, may have saved the nation.

Will any one conclude that Ferry, the State's Agent, and Donohue and Newcomb, were not acting under orders from their superior, Governor Seymour?

Just now while I am writing I have before me Watson's Magazine for March, 1911, speaking of Headley's account of his part in retaliatory acts in the west and east: "The evidence there found of the extent of the copperhead movement in the upper Mississippi Valley in 1863-1864 is entirely essential to a history of both sides of the great war. It becomes startling to contemplate to what imminence revolution in the States of the north and west had approached, etc."

"Mr. Davis (Jefferson Davis) delivered an impassioned speech at Palmetto Station, near Atlanta, in Sept., 1864, in which he declared the opinion that McClellan would be elected over Lincoln at the November elections, and in that event the west would set him up as president over itself, leaving the east to Lincoln."

Thus it is shown that the Confederates fully expected a rupture of the North on lines to be worked out by the "Sons of Liberty" and their co-conspirators.

After a time President Lincoln pardoned Ferry and later Donohue. The President's big-heartedness led him first to pardon Ferry because of his advanced age.

Newcomb came into my life again in 1882, in the impeachment proceedings against Judge Westbrook. Somebody hunted me up and subpoenaed me to testify as to the character of Newcomb. He had been a receiver of a life insurance company (if my memory is right) under an appointment by Judge Westbrook, and it was represented that he had misapplied large sums. The session of the committee was held in the St. James Hotel, corner of Broadway and Twenty-sixth Street, New York. When I entered the rotunda I was hailed by a Mr. Fox, who wanted conversation with me. He knew my mission and told me it would be worth a thousand dollars if I would "walk up the street with him." The proposition did not flatter me; he did not correctly size up my moral tone. I testified concerning the circumstances of 1864, of Newcomb's crime and his confession. Newcomb followed me out of the committee room, and expressed great surprise at my appearance on the scene. I was not astonished to find him in questionable business.

Donohue I have met several times since the war. For a time he was in the employ of the New York Central Railroad, later holding a small political appointment in one of the New York City departments.

I found another document in the State Agent's office that finished Adjutant General Andrews' usefulness instanter. It was written on headquarters' letterhead and spoke disrespectfully of Mr. Lincoln, the Commander-in-Chief. Andrews was unceremoniously dismissed from the service.

FILE XXIII.

John Deegan, a forger, captured--A report that led to a historic raid by Colonel Baker on the bounty jumpers and bounty brokers of New York.

Here follows a rather interesting case. One Deegan, an expert penman, who had formerly been a clerk in one of the regular cavalry regiments, had been forging discharges and final statements of fictitious soldiers, employing an accomplice to present them at the various paymasters' offices and draw the money. Being familiar with the officers' signatures, he was very successful in forging their names. To make the final statement cover a large amount of money--many hundreds and sometimes thousands of dollars--the statements represented the parties to have been prisoners of war, one or two years, which, with all the allowances, would carry the amounts up into large figures.

United States Army, Pay District of Pennsylvania. Baltimore, Md., Nov. 9, 1864

Colonel:

I have had a full explanatory conversation with your Chief of Detectives in reference to forgeries lately perpetrated upon the Government and have given him every clue in my possession, to the perpetrators.

The name and recent address of the party who escaped from your office has also been obtained by me. I have therefore to request that you give him every facility he may desire in visiting both Philadelphia and New York, and that you will instruct the calling to his assistance experienced detectives.