Part 257

DINSMOOR, SAMUEL, Representative from New Hampshire, 424, 577.

Diplomatic Intercourse.--See Index, vol. 2.

Divorces in the District of Columbia, report on, 505. See Index, vol. 3.

DUNN, THOMAS, elected doorkeeper of the House, 126; elected sergeant-at-arms to the House, 425.

DURELL, DANIEL M., Representative from New Hampshire, 36; in favor of immediate arming of the public vessels, 100; on an extra session, 103. See Index, vol. 3.

Duties on Imports.--In Senate, bill for imposing additional duties read the third time, 31; motion to postpone to a distant day, 31; the subject is a commercial one exceedingly important, 31; the bill can be advocated only upon the ground that a war is about to ensue, and to prepare the public treasury to sustain its prosecution, 32; but neither the one nor the other is expected or necessary, 32; Gallatin's reports, 32; the measure will also be both unequal and unjust, 32; the new duty will operate as a bounty to forestalled and speculators, 32; bill passed, 32.

In the House.--The bill to impose additional duties considered, 107; motion to confine increased duties to goods of England and France, 109; motion lost, bill ordered to be engrossed, 109.

Manufactures, Domestic.--In the House, resolution to lay an additional duty on coarse hemp and flax considered, 428; cotton added, 428; the proposition should include all the domestic manufactures of the country, 428; the present a favorable time to adopt some measures to encourage and support domestic manufactures, 428; merely a proposition to instruct a committee, 428; laid on the table, 428; taken up, 431; amendment laying a duty on salt moved, 431; irregular manner of proceeding, 431; further debate on the practice of the House, 431; ill-timed to tax an article when it may be very difficult to procure it, 431; why this great cry about domestic manufactures? 432; what will be the effect of taxing salt, 432.

In the House.--Engrossed bill laying additional duties, 538; the creation of a public debt ought to be accompanied with the means of its extinguishment, 538; this is the true secret of rendering public credit immortal, 538; it is surprising to learn that doubling the duties is the only means to be provided for this purpose, 539; this will be a most unpopular tax, 539; it is an unjust measure, 539; what will be the consequence of passing the bill? 539; great changes have taken place since the adoption of the present tariff, 540; three purposes intended to be furthered by duties on imported merchandise, 540; the objections to the bill are palpable and obvious, 540; its tendency to promote smuggling, 541; the unfortunate policy adopted in 1806 has destroyed the purity and elevation of commercial morals, 541; a reliance on the impost as the means of supporting the war in connection with an abandonment of the internal taxes, teaches that our Government is unfit for the purpose of foreign and offensive war, 541; the protection and regulation of commerce has become a prime object of legislation, 541; it is the cause of war, 542; this increase of impost is a tax which will operate unjustly and unequally, 542; burden on the people of the Eastern States, 542; desirable to recommit the bill in order to learn the sentiments of the House on the repeal or the partial suspension of the present non-importation act, 542; if this act was suspended and we had a trading and not a fighting war, we should have sufficient revenue under the present rates of duties, 543; letter of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of revenue examined, 544; a very left-handed way of encouraging the manufactures of this country, 543; motion to strike out the words "one hundred" before per centum lost, 543. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Duties on Tonnage.--See Index, vol. 1.

EARLE, ELIAS, Representative from South Carolina, 425, 577.

Electoral Votes for President, examination and counting of, 27.

Opening and Counting.--In House, resolution offered to notify the Senate, 105; it is now proposed that the Senate come to the House, and that the Speaker leave the chair to make room for the President of another body, 105; such a proceeding would derogate from the dignity if not the rights of this body, 105; a respect we owe ourselves and the people never to suffer the privileges of this House to be diminished, 105; in counting the votes the House of Representatives is not assembled as a distinct body, 105; propriety in this course because by the constitution the Vice President is to open the votes, 105; moved that when the Senate was introduced the Speaker relinquish the chair to him, 105; propriety of the President of the Senate presiding at a joint meeting, 105; as regards the privileges of the House against the claims of the other, the ninth part of a hair was important, 105; the English Commons obtained their privileges inch by inch, 105; if he comes to this House, the President of the Senate comes by courtesy, and can assume the chair only as a matter of favor, 106; the constitution prescribes the powers of each body, and no fear of encroachment, 106; motion carried, 106; votes counted, 106; counting of, 573, 711. See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3.

Electors of President.--See Index, vol. 1.

ELLIOT, JAMES, Representative from Vermont, 36. See Index, vol. 3.

ELLIOT, JESSE D., letters to the Secretary of the Navy, 571, 572.

ELY, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on arming and classing of the militia, 708. See Index, vol. 3.

Embargo.--In Senate resolution to repeal the act laying an embargo offered, 5; light in which it has been viewed by France, 5; not a measure of hostility or coercion as applied to her, 5; little effect on England, 5; could America expect to starve her? 6; it was a farce, 6; ample time had been given for her to make other arrangements, 6; what accounts have we from there? 6; they can actually purchase provisions cheaper now from other places than they formerly had done from us, 6; turn to another article of trade, cotton, 6; it has been said a want of this article would distress the British manufacturers and produce clamor among them, and hence accelerate the repeal of the Orders in Council, 6; are not all the evil consequences anticipated from the embargo likely to be realized? 6; Great Britain become the carriers of the world, these carriers will supply themselves, 6; get supplies of cotton elsewhere, 6; this embargo instead of operating on those nations which had been violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to the people of the United States, 7; it should be abandoned as a measure wholly inefficient for the objects designed, 7; some thought its efficiency would be secured by adding a non-intercourse law, 7; this idea futile, 7; the United States are consumers of British products, 7; what had patriotism really done? 7; non-intercourse law cannot be executed, 7; party spirit should now have been laid aside, and all consulted for the common good, 7; if the spirit of commercial speculation has overcome all patriotism, it is time foreign intercourse should cease, 7; the proposition for repeal hardly merits respect or serious consideration, 8; a most important subject, deeply implicating, and perhaps determining the fate of the commerce and navigation of this country, 8; our commerce has unquestionably been subject to great embarrassment, vexation, and plunder from the belligerents of Europe, 8; both France and England have violated the laws of nations, 8; the one professes to relent at the inconvenience she occasions you, and the other in addition to depredation and conflagration, treats you with the greatest disdain, 8; their conduct gave rise to the embargo, 8; if it has been proved by experience to be inoperative so far as regards them, and destructive as respects ourselves, it should be repealed, 8; the propriety of this is now the question, 8; three points naturally to be considered, 8; the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it offered our seamen, its effects on France and Great Britain in coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable policy towards us, the effects it has and may produce on ourselves, 8; it has already answered all that can be expected in regard to security to navigation and seamen, 8; its longer continuance will counteract these objects, 8; its operation is nugatory on France, 9; its operation on Great Britain, 9; the subject should be taken up with coolness, 10; it is charged that there is a disposition to break down commerce, for the purpose of erecting manufactures on its ruins, 10; the charge a mere electioneering trick, 10; the ground is taken that the embargo has prevented all our commerce, 10; this is not shown, 10; operation of the Decrees of France, 10; operation of the Orders in Council, 10; a tribute required for license to trade, 10; has the embargo been productive of the consequences expected to result from it, 11; it has not had a fair trial in consequence of misrepresentations, 11; has the embargo operated more upon the United States than on the European powers, 11; one object of the resolution doubtless to obtain information of the operation of the embargo throughout the Union, 11; the sentiments of the people of Georgia on the subject, 12; effects of the measure on ourselves, 12; the produce of the lands of Georgia lies on hand, 12; it is said that Great Britain will find some source whence to obtain the supplies she has heretofore got from us, 12; the cotton interest is willing to run the risk of the continuance of the embargo, 12; it is said this measure cannot be executed, 12; it has been so far executed as to produce a good effect, 12; the charge of an intention to destroy commerce examined, 13; a disposition to make this measure permanent, 13; this measure intended and calculated to promote the interests of France, 13; no danger from war, it is said, except through a repeal of the embargo, 13; statements in relation to the present views of England favorable to the embargo are not entitled to credit, 13; cause of the change in Mr. Canning's language, 14; the Essex resolutions, 14; how are these orders and decrees to be opposed but by war, except we keep without their reach, 14; attempts to ridicule the measure exposed, 14; it is said that if the embargo is repealed we can carry on a safe and secure trade to the extent of nearly four-fifths the amount of our domestic productions, 14; this statement examined, 15; if the embargo had not been laid, would the British aggressions have stopped with the Orders in Council, 15; if the embargo is repealed, and our vessels suffered to go out, it will expose us to new insults and aggressions, 15; it is said that a perseverance in a measure opposed to the interests and feelings of the people may lead to opposition and insurrection, 15; this is an argument in terrorem, 15; more information needed on this subject, 16; better if the proposition had expressed indignation at the injuries our Government had received, 16; situation of the European world when Congress deemed it necessary to pass the embargo, 16; prudence and policy dictated this measure, 17; the mission of Mr. Rose, 17; effects of the measure on the country, 18; feelings of gentlemen who once possessed the power of the nation, but have now lost it, 18; the outrages of the belligerents should have awakened such indignation as to suppress these feelings, until some measures could be devised to meet the crisis, 18; the greatest inconvenience perhaps attending popular governments stated, 19; two objects contemplated by the embargo, 19; the first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves, 19; the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents, 19; the first considered and explained, 19; effects of the embargo, 20; our fate is in our own hands, with union we have nothing to fear, 20; danger of exposing one's self to the charge of being under British influence, 21; the patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better, 21; the wrongs of Great Britain to us intended to be removed by the treaty, 21.

Enforcement of the Embargo, bill making further provision for, reported, 21; sections of the bill, 21; an embargo over a country like ours a phenomenon in the civilized world, 21; opinions relative to the embargo, 21; course proposed to be pursued, 22; this bill bears marks of distrust of the people, entertained by the Government; it places the coasting trade under further vexatious restraints, 22; particulars in which it is placed under the regulation of the President, 22; other sections intrench on the ordinary concerns of the great body of the people, 22; the military may be employed by agents under this bill, 23; authority of the marshal competent to execute the laws, 23; further objections to the bill, 23; the bill presents temptations for addressing the popular sensibility too strong to be resisted by gentlemen in the opposition, 23; they have presented its provisions in an alarming aspect, 23; the bill contains no new principle, every provision is justified by precedents in pre-existing laws, 24; it is said the embargo is a permanent measure, and its effects ruinous at home and ineffectual abroad, 24; it is said the public councils are pressing on to measures pregnant with most alarming results, 24; the great principle of objection, it is said, consists in the transfer of legislative powers to the Executive Department, 24; objections to the provisions of the bill relative to the coasting trade, examined, 25; power granted to the President over the military force in previous acts of the Legislature, 26; passage of the bill, 26.

In the House.--Many resolutions have been submitted on the subject of foreign relations and the embargo, 40; surprising to see so many resolutions and none contemplating its continuance, 40; where is that spirit which separated us from Great Britain? 40; just as our measure of last year is beginning to operate we are called upon to repeal, 40; what is the purport of the proclamation issued by one of the belligerents? 41; resolutions offered to exclude vessels of belligerents having force decrees or orders violating the lawful commerce of the United States; also imports from such powers, and also to inquire into the expediency of amending the embargo act, 41; it is time for those who think the embargo a lawful and proper measure, to come forward and declare it, 41; neither of the powers of Europe have shown any disposition to relax, neither should we, 41; only three alternatives are open to us--war, embargo, or submission, 41; the last out of the question, 41; shall it be war or embargo? 41; let that be adopted which will best maintain our rights and independence, 41; the embargo does not cause the pressure on the people, 41; public opinion in the Northern part of the Union requires the embargo to be raised, 41; let the debate go on, 41; first and second resolutions agreed to, 42.

Embargo, Temporary.--Bill for, passed in the Senate, 410; In the House, message received from the President relative to laying an embargo for sixty days, 544; bill reported, read twice, and referred to the Committee of the Whole, 544; moved to strike out sixty, and insert one hundred and twenty days, 544; the time will be much too short for the whole amount of American property abroad to return, 544; motion lost, 544; is this to be considered as a peace or war measure? 544; it is understood to be a war measure, and it is intended it shall lead directly to it, 544; objections to parts of the bill, 544; drafted according to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury, 544; if it is a precursor to war what is the situation of our fortresses and of the country generally? 545; none can question the propriety of the proposition, 545; are we now to cover ourselves with shame and indelible disgrace by retreating from the measures and grounds we have taken? 545; the conduct of France may be a subject of future consideration, 545; no difficulty or terror in the war except what arises from novelty, 545; a source of pride that the Executive has recommended this measure, 545; this is not a measure of the Executive, but is engendered by an intense excitement upon the Executive, 545; the people of the country will consider it a subterfuge for war, 545; at the end of sixty days we shall not have war, because the Executive dare not plunge us in war, 545; are we prepared to assail the enemy or repel her attacks? 545; motion to strike out first section lost, 545; the President does not mean war, 545; unless Great Britain relents we must make war, says the President, 546; we should not go to war unprepared, 546; what occurred in the Committee of Foreign Relations, 546; if you mean war, if the spirit of the country is up to it, why have you spent five months in idle debate? 546; not possible to commence war with safety within four months, 546; warning of the danger and ruin which threaten our defenceless cities and towns, 547; the intelligent part of the community are against war, 547; bill ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, 547; moved to read third time to-morrow, 547; policy on the part of the majority should dictate this indulgence, 547; the minority has acted with more propriety than was ever known, 547; other reason for delay, 547; motion lost, 547; bill passed, 547.

Bill returned to the House with amendments by the Senate, 548; moved to postpone indefinitely, 548; it is a pure, unsophisticated, reinstated embargo, 548; the same power which originates can continue this oppressive measure, 548; it is not an embargo preparatory to war, but an embargo as a substitute for war, 548; this point examined, 548; Heaven help our merchants from an embargo protection, 549; an express was sent off on the day preceding the Message, 549; is this measure expedient, and can it be executed? 549; this House should desist from the dangerous course they are pursuing, 550; views of Great Britain, 550; motion to postpone, 550; main question ordered, 550. See Index, vol. 3.

EMOTT, JAMES, Representative from N. Y., 124, 187, 315, 424, 577; on Miranda's expedition, 143; on commercial intercourse, 353; presents petition of merchants of New York, 432; on an additional military force, 668.

EPPES, JOHN W., Representative from Virginia, 37, 125, 187, 315; on the resolution calling on the President for papers, 192; on the convoy system, 225; on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 360. See Index, vol. 3.

EVANS, OLIVER, claim for different applications of steam-power, 404.

Executive Departments.--See Index, vol. 1.

Expatriation.--See Index, vol. 2.

Expenditure of Public Money.--In the House, a resolution to appoint a committee to inquire into the expenditure of public money, 429; the result of a former inquiry, 429; how do pursers in the Navy receive their money? 429; extract from a letter, 429; the abuses should cease, 429; resolution agreed to, 430.