I lay before Congress copies of a proclamation of the British Lieutenant Governor of the island of Bermuda, which has appeared under circumstances leaving no doubt of its authenticity. It recites a British Order in Council of the 26th of October last, providing for the supply of the British West Indies and other colonial possessions, by a trade under special licenses; and is accompanied by a circular instruction to the Colonial Governors, which confines licensed importations from ports of the United States, to the ports of the Eastern States exclusively.
The Government of Great Britain had already introduced into commerce during war, a system, which, at once violating the rights of other nations, and resting on a mass of forgery and perjury unknown to other times, was making an unfortunate progress in undermining those principles of morality and religion which are the best foundation of national happiness.
The policy now proclaimed to the world, introduces into her modes of warfare a system equally distinguished by the deformity of its features, and the depravity of its character; having for its object to dissolve the ties of allegiance and the sentiments of loyalty in the adversary nation, and to seduce and separate its component parts, the one from the other.
The general tendency of these demoralizing and disorganizing contrivances will be reprobated by the civilized and Christian world; and the insulting attempt on the virtue, the honor, the patriotism, and the fidelity of our brethren of the Eastern States, will not fail to call forth all their indignation and resentment, and to attach more and more all the States to that happy Union and Constitution, against which such insidious and malignant artifices are directed.
The better to guard, nevertheless, against the effect of individual cupidity and treachery, and to turn the corrupt projects of the enemy against himself, I recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency of an effectual prohibition of any trade whatever, by citizens or inhabitants of the United States, under special licenses, whether relating to persons or ports; and, in aid thereof, a prohibition of all exportation from the United States in foreign bottoms--few of which are actually employed--whilst multiplying counterfeits of their flags and papers are covering and encouraging the navigation of the enemy.
JAMES MADISON.
FEBRUARY 24, 1813.
The Message and accompanying documents were referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
Extra Session.
The House went into Committee of the Whole on the bill to alter the time of the next meeting of Congress--a motion being under consideration to fix on the fourth Monday in October.
Mr. GRUNDY spoke in reply to some observations of Mr. JOHNSON (on yesterday) in favor of that day. Mr. G. was decidedly in favor of meeting in May; he believed it necessary to the support of public credit that the House should meet in May. Had not the Committee of Ways and Means first taught him that an early session was necessary with that view, if revenue should not, as it would not, be provided at this session, he should not have been found advocating an extra session. The House had been told by their financial committee, that it was indispensably necessary forthwith to provide a revenue; and that a paper system, without a foundation of permanent revenue, would involve the nation in disgrace or irretrievable ruin. Mr. G. quoted various reports of the Committee of Ways and Means to show that they had made such statements. With these facts staring him in the face, how could he do otherwise than urge an early session? If it was indispensably necessary a day or two ago to provide a revenue, what had since occurred obviating that necessity? Nothing. War had been declared, and it was the duty of those who declared it to provide the ways and means of carrying it on. Mr. G. protested against the idea which had been advanced of giving enormous interest for loans, and against accumulating a large debt, almost without the knowledge of the people on whom it would be saddled, and expressed his determination, as far as lay in his power, to go on and provide the ways and means.
SATURDAY, February 27.
Power of Retaliation.
The bill giving to the President of the United States the power of retaliation in certain cases therein mentioned, was read a third time.
A motion was made by Mr. QUINCY to adjourn--lost, 56 to 16.
The bill was then passed by the following vote:
YEAS.--Willis Alston, jr., William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, David Bard, William Barnett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Francis Carr, Langdon Cheves, James Cochran, John Clopton, Richard Cutts, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Peterson Goodwyn, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, William Kennedy, William R. King, Peter Little, William Lowndes, Thomas Moor, William McCoy, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Thomas Newton, Stephen Ormsby, Israel Pickens, William Piper, James Pleasants, jr., John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Thomas B. Robertson, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, George Smith, John Taliaferro, Charles Turner, jr., Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams, and Robert Wright.
NAYS.--Abijah Bigelow, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, James Emott, Asa Fitch, Thomas P. Grosvenor, Lyman Law, Jos. Lewis, jr., Jonathan O. Mosely, Elisha R. Potter, Josiah Quincy, William Reed, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, Richard Stanford, and Leonard White.
MONDAY, March 1.
Foreign Licenses.
An engrossed bill to prohibit the use of licenses or passes, issued under the authority of any foreign Government, was read the third time.
And on the question, "Shall this bill pass?" it passed in the affirmative--yeas 59, nays 32.
Relations with France.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH, after observing on the propriety of the House having all the information on foreign affairs which was accessible; and remarking, also, that they were much in the dark in respect to our relations with France, moved the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be laid before this House the French decree, purporting to be a repeal of the Berlin decrees, referred to in his Message of the 4th of November last; together with such information as he may possess concerning the time and manner of promulgating the same; and, also, any correspondence or information touching the relations of the United States with France, in the office of the Department of State, not heretofore communicated, which, in the opinion of the President, it is not incompatible with the public interest to communicate.
And on the question to agree to the same, it passed in the affirmative--yeas 102, nays 4.
Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH and Mr. KENNEDY were appointed a committee to present the said resolution to the President.
On motion, the House adjourned.
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.