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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16) · United States. Congress — chapter 190 of 281 · ~1,149 words · public domain

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From which decision Mr. RANDOLPH moved an appeal; which being seconded, the question was put, "Is the decision of the Chair correct?" and decided in the affirmative.

SATURDAY, April 4.

The House was cleared of all persons, and the doors were closed.

Additional Brigadier Generals.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill authorizing the President of the United States to appoint additional Brigadier Generals, &c.

Mr. SAMMONS.--Mr. Speaker: If those officers are intended to command the militia, I trust in God this bill will not pass. What! shall our militia be commanded by officers commissioned by the President? Can the President be as well acquainted with the qualifications and abilities of officers in the militia as the Governors of the States? It cannot be expected. What spirit can be in the people to support the war if the Federal Government takes away the right of the States to appoint the officers for commanding their militia? If our Government takes away our liberty, is it necessary to contend with a foreign Government for our rights? In former times the officers were appointed in such parts as the men were raised: that is not the case now. Some time in the session, I was told by some of the Southern members, "we will give you officers if you will find the men." It is a fact, that, before our New York troops were raised, a Major from North Carolina was appointed; and was ordered to take the command of troops enlisted in New York. Governor Hull's son, from Detroit, is appointed to the command of one of our companies, and is on command with his father as his aid. Where is the justice? Shall we have companies without captains, or shall the United States pay for two captains? (for Hull is returned in Colonel Schuyler's regiment as captain.) He cannot belong there. In such proceedings I almost tremble for the consequence to my country.

There is no necessity or propriety in appointing more Generals, in my opinion, at present, for our regulars--for the President is directed to appoint eight Brigadiers and two Major Generals. I believe they are not all appointed, and of those that are appointed, I hear one is sent home because they have no command for him. If this bill passes, our Government will be as bad as that of Great Britain before the Revolution. In the Declaration of Independence we complain of the King, that "he has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance." But if those ten Generals are not sufficient, this House has passed a bill at the request of the President of the United States to commission and appoint the officers for fifty thousand militia volunteers. There are limits empowering how many he shall appoint--he may appoint twelve Brigadiers and four Major Generals--will not that be as many as he wanted?

MONDAY, April 13.

A confidential message was received from the Senate by a committee of that body appointed for the purpose, consisting of Mr. VARNUM and Mr. ANDERSON, notifying the House that the Senate have passed the bill, entitled "An act to prohibit the exportation of specie, goods, wares, and merchandise, for a limited time," with amendments; in which they desire the concurrence of the House.

The said amendments were read at the Clerk's table: When a motion was made by Mr. GOLDSBOROUGH that the said bill be postponed indefinitely.

And the question thereon being taken, it was determined in the negative--yeas 35, nays 62.

The question was then taken to concur in the said amendments, and passed in the affirmative.

Mr. SMILIE and Mr. PLEASANTS were appointed a committee to deliver a message to the Senate, and inform them that the House of Representatives have concurred in their amendment to the bill aforesaid.

The doors were then opened.

TUESDAY, April 14.

Mr. CRAWFORD, from the Joint Committee for Enrolled Bills, reported that the committee had examined an enrolled bill "to prohibit the exportation of specie, goods, wares, and merchandise, for a limited time," and had found the same to be truly enrolled: When, the SPEAKER signed the said bill.

Mr. CRAWFORD and Mr. TURNER were appointed a committee to carry the said bill to the Senate for the signature of their President.

The doors were then opened; and having remained so for some time, they were again closed;.

When, Mr. TURNER, from the above-mentioned committee, reported that the committee had presented to the President of the United States the said bill, and that they were instructed by the President to inform the two Houses that he had approved and signed the same.

On motion of Mr. CALHOUN, the injunction of secrecy imposed upon the said bill and the proceedings thereon, were then removed.

The doors were then opened.

MONDAY, June 1.

A confidential Message, in writing, was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Edward Coles, his Secretary; which he delivered in at the Speaker's table.

The House was then cleared of all persons, except the Members, Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, and Doorkeepers, and the doors were closed; and the said Message was read, and is as follows:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

I communicate to Congress certain documents, being a continuation of those heretofore laid before them on the subject of our affairs with Great Britain.

Without going back beyond the renewal, in one thousand eight hundred and three, of the war in which Great Britain is engaged, and omitting unrepaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of her Government presents a series of acts, hostile to the United States as an independent and neutral nation.

British cruisers have been in the continued practice of violating the American flag on the great highway of nations, and of seizing and carrying off persons sailing under it; not in the exercise of a belligerent right, founded on the law of nations against an enemy, but a municipal prerogative over British subjects. British jurisdiction is thus extended to neutral vessels, in a situation where no laws can operate but the law of nations, and the laws of the country to which the vessels belong; and a self-redress is assumed, which, if British subjects were wrongfully detained and alone concerned, is that substitution of force, for a resort to the responsible Sovereign, which falls within the definition of war. Could the seizure of British subjects, in such cases, be regarded as within the exercise of a belligerent right, the acknowledged laws of war, which forbid an article of captured property to be adjudged, without a regular investigation before a competent tribunal, would imperiously demand the fairest trial, where the sacred rights of persons were at issue. In place of such a trial, these rights are subjected to the will of every petty commander.

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