Part 186

Witness Bonaparte.

The primitive name of the little stream that runs at the foot of the Capitol grounds, called the Tyber since the Capitol came to its banks, and up and down which members were accustomed to walk in that early day.

These salutary statutes, indispensable for the protection of the Treasury, as time was wearing out the evidence which would detect fraud, have since been disregarded by modern Congresses, carried away by a mistaken idea of justice, and the door opened to an endless succession of false claims, supported by fabricated evidence which there is no means to rebut, and plundering the Treasury for the benefit of agents who have grown up into a regular profession for the discovery, invention, and prosecution of claims.

The wildest supposition of the abuse of this question, indulged in by its opponents in this debate, falls short of the reality which has since occurred, and is continually occurring in the House of Representatives; for the Senate has, thus far, succeeded in keeping this gag out of that body. In the other branch, the previous question has become the regular engine of legislation, and is constantly used by party majorities, not only to prevent discussion on the most important measures, but to prevent things from being said which the House and the country ought to know; and which, being said, might be fatal to the measure, or its authors. The only safe way of terminating useless debate is that followed in the British House of Commons. It permits all that is useful, and suppresses all that is annoying. The plainest speaker is heard while he gives information: the best is silenced when he ceases to inform, and begins to annoy. The irregular power of the House, exerted in coughing and scraping, will put an end to the harangue of the most wilful speaker.

At the burning of the Theatre at Richmond.

Mr. Venable.

Mr. M. Clay's daughter.

The annual expense of our navy already (1856) costs fifteen millions of dollars per annum; and yet all that we have got is only the beginning--the mere commencement, if naval power is intended.

The events of the war of 1812, and the events of all the wars of the French Revolution, justify these opinions expressed by Colonel Daviess. These events prove that cruisers and privateers, to cut up commerce, and not fleets to fight battles, are the true American means of naval warfare.

This was quite an extemporaneous method of selling an estate. To render the transaction more intelligible, it may be known that Henry was paid $50,000 at that time by the American Government for his disclosures, and it may be supposed that this impromptu purchase of "St. Martial, the Crillon estate in Lebeur, near the frontier of Spain," was a method which the two romantic friends took to divide the money which they had earned.

"Mr. Calhoun has since stated to me, that the reasons given by Mr. Randolph for refusing to agree to the injunction of secrecy were, 1st. That he doubted the right of the committee to enjoin secrecy; 2d. That having just returned from Baltimore, he had heard, while in that city, that the intention to lay an embargo was already known in that city, and that the British Consul and a great mercantile house there were then acting on the information. J. Q."

The practice of pronouncing funeral eulogiums on deceased members had not, at this time, been introduced into Congress.

CONFIDENTIAL SUPPLEMENTAL JOURNAL

OF SUCH PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE TWELFTH CONGRESS, AS DURING THE TIME THEY WERE DEPENDING, WERE ORDERED TO BE KEPT SECRET, AND RESPECTING WHICH THE INJUNCTION OF SECRECY WAS AFTERWARDS REMOVED BY ORDER OF THE HOUSE.

WEDNESDAY, April 1, 1812.

A confidential Message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. COLES, his Secretary; which he delivered in at the Speaker's table: Whereupon, the House was cleared of all persons except the Members, Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, and Doorkeeper, and the doors were closed.

The Message was then read at the Clerk's table, and is as follows:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

Considering it as expedient, under existing circumstances and prospects, that a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate passage of a law to that effect.

JAMES MADISON.

APRIL 1, 1812.

On motion of Mr. PORTER, the Message was referred to the committee appointed on that part of the President's Message at the commencement of the session, which relates to Foreign Relations.

And, after a short lapse of time, Mr. Porter, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred the above-cited Message of the President of the United States, presented a bill laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the whole House to-day.

The House accordingly resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the said bill; and,

Mr. BOYD then moved to amend it by striking out of the first section sixty days, and insert one hundred and twenty days. He said a gentleman declared the measure to be a precursor to war--the time will be much too short for the great amount of American property now abroad to return; the motion was negatived.

Mr. SEYBERT viewed the subject as of vast importance; he considered that the proposition came to the House in a very questionable shape; he wanted information, and he called upon the Committee of Foreign Relations to say whether it is to be considered as a peace measure or a precursor to war.

Mr. GRUNDY (one of the committee) said he was willing to answer the very proper inquiry of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. SEYBERT,) that he understands it as a war measure, and it is meant that it shall lead directly to it; that with any other view there can be no propriety in it; as a peace measure, he had no idea that the President would have recommended it, nor would the committee have agreed to it. He hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania would now be satisfied, and prepare his mind to vote for it.

Mr. MCKEE objected to the last section, on account of the penalties which it proposed, which he considered altogether unimportant, as it is to be a precursor to war, it being merely precautionary and for a short time. He made some other inquiries respecting the section, and why such provisions were in it.