Mr. SMILIE moved that the report be committed to a Committee of the Whole, with a view to let it lie over until the next session. The select committee in considering the testimony before them, which consisted of those documents before the House, had thought they did not contain sufficient matter on which to ground an impeachment; at the same time that they felt a disposition to pursue the inquiry if other testimony could be had, which did not appear possible to be had during the present session. A postponement of the subject would give an opportunity to procure testimony pro and con.
Mr. ROWAN was opposed to commitment, as he thought it could answer no purpose but to delay a decision. For himself he was of opinion that the documents already before the House were abundantly sufficient for the conviction of Judge Innes; at least sufficient on which to ground an impeachment. It certainly was not for the interest of the community, if this man were guilty, that he should be continued in the exercise of his high authorities longer than could be avoided, and therefore, in justice to the United States, and to the people of Kentucky, an early decision should be had.
Mr. R. then took a view of the testimony contained in the report of the committee of the Legislature of Kentucky in the case of Judge Sebastian, on which he dwelt at some length, stating more than one fact proved by it, which he thought would of itself be a sufficient ground for removal from office of a judge of the United States.
Nothing could be gained, he said, by sending the subject to a committee. The people of Kentucky were alive to the subject. They had manifested their anxiety in regard to it, and their attachment to the Union by sending forward to this body a solemn resolution expressive of their desire for a full inquiry, and on this subject he thought the zeal of the State should not outstrip that of the nation. This commitment and consequent postponement would be a manifest disregard of the act of an honorable State, to whom the House should not show disrespect. He concluded by hoping that Kentucky would be permitted to have a judge who was truly an American; one who could not tamper with the enemies of his country, and about whom should be such an atmosphere of repulsion as to prevent him from being selected as a fit object for corruption. Such a judge as this Kentucky wanted.
Mr. SMILIE said neither his respect for the State of Kentucky, nor yet any suspicious circumstances, should affect his feelings; he wanted testimony to satisfy his mind of the guilt of the man. None but legal testimony could be received on trial for impeachment, and such he wished to see before he voted for commencing an impeachment. Setting all other considerations aside, the House had now but four days to sit, and it would occupy the whole of that time at least to discuss the subject, were it now to be decided.
Mr. TAYLOR had been one of the select committee, and in the minority on the report which they agreed upon. Whatever might be the opinion of the committee, he thought the House were bound, from the respectable source from which the subject had been presented, to act upon it during the present session. With respect to the evidence necessary to prove a misdemeanor, it was not necessary that they should put their finger on the statute book to find the offence, for common sense would decide it. A judge of the United States had been dismissed from office for drunkenness, much less a misdemeanor than conferring with the agent of a foreign Government for purposes injurious to his country. It was said that Judge Innes had, instead of being as he ought to have been the preserver of peace in the community, suffered a foreign agent to make communications to him, and then to pass quietly out of his jurisdiction. The House had now ground sufficient to commence a process of impeachment, for the simple oath of a person saying that he has good cause to believe such an one guilty of any offence was sufficient ground for a judge to commence a prosecution against the person accused, and so also good ground of suspicion was sufficient for the institution of an impeachment or incipient process in this case. He thought, therefore, that there was no occasion for commitment, as it was moved with a view to postpone the subject.
Mr. FISK was averse to a hasty decision on this subject. He was by no means convinced of the guilt of Judge Innes; for although the Legislature of a State had declared an opinion on the subject, States as well as individuals might err, and it did not become this body to found its decisions on popular prejudice or reports, but to examine impartially.
Mr. F. then went over the evidence contained in Judge Innes’s deposition in the case of Judge Sebastian. It did not appear, he said, that Judge Innes had personal knowledge of the facts which he stated in his deposition, but from common report, for they were notorious in Kentucky, and were known in Massachusetts at the same time. He said he wished, as much as the gentleman from Kentucky, to see our judicial springs pure; but he wished not to oppress when there was no hope of conviction, nor to harass when there was no hope of punishing.
MONDAY, April 25.
General Wilkinson.
Mr. CLARK said it would be recollected by the House, that he had some time since been directed to make a statement in relation to General Wilkinson. He now held in his hand a correspondence with the Spanish Government, which he would lay upon the table, as it went to substantiate the facts contained in that statement.
These papers were read, and consist chiefly of memoranda in the handwriting of Philip Nolan, and purporting to be instructions from General Wilkinson to Thomas Power, and of answers from Thomas Power.
Mr. RANDOLPH moved that they be printed.
Mr. SMILIE opposed the printing, as, if it were indeed testimony, this House was not the tribunal to decide upon it.
Mr. RANDOLPH said it was certain, that from the noise in the House, or some other cause, the papers as read could not be understood. They appeared to embrace a correspondence of Philip Nolan, said to be the agent of General Wilkinson, with Power, and in the course of them there was a recommendation that General W.’s handwriting should not be used. He presumed that gentlemen felt more interested in these than in the papers every day laid on their table and printed.
Mr. SMILIE said they had had enough of this business of denunciation, and he wished no more of it. He was willing that the papers should be sent to the court of inquiry, but he would go no further.
Mr. RANDOLPH called for the yeas and nays on the motion for printing.
Mr. RHEA supported the motion for printing.
The question was then taken by yeas and nays on printing, and carried, 52 to 30.
On motion of Mr. KELLY,
Resolved, That the papers and information relative to the conduct of General James Wilkinson, which have been this day communicated to this House by DANIEL CLARK, Esq., be transmitted to the President of the United States.
Five o’clock, P. M.
Non-Importation.
The bill from the Senate to authorize the President, under certain contingencies, to suspend the non-importation law, having been called up, and a motion having been made to postpone it indefinitely,
Mr. NEWTON begged the House to consider one moment before they postponed this bill. They had already passed a law authorizing the President of the United States to suspend the operation of the embargo law, in the event of a general peace, or such accommodation to neutrals as should render the commerce of the United States safe. Now, in the event of that law being suspended, it might also be proper to suspend this.
Mr. NELSON said he should never vote for the repeal or suspension of this law. He hoped to see the time when it should become a permanent regulation; he would not yield to any of the powers of Europe, and he wished to be independent of them. There were many things now imported from Europe which could as well be made in our own country. If they could be as well made, he considered it sound policy to give a preference to our own manufactures, and so far to prohibit theirs as to effect a preference of our own. Whether in this principle I am right or wrong, said he, I am certainly right in this: That at this late period of the session it is impossible to discuss such a question as this, and therefore I wish the motion to prevail.
Mr. BURWELL said he would add but a single observation to those of the gentlemen just sat down. He was in favor of postponing the bill indefinitely, because he wished it to be understood that we have a right to make all regulations we please respecting our commerce, or trade, or aught else, without consulting the dispositions of any power whatever. He wished it to be understood here and elsewhere, and therefore he was in favor of postponement of this bill.
Mr. MARION said he was one of those who originally voted for the non-importation law, and he had never repented his vote; but he voted for it under a firm persuasion that it would go into operation. It had been afterwards suspended because there was a negotiation pending and a prospect of accommodation; but if it were the determination never to suffer it to go into operation, he had much rather see it repealed. If it were to be kept in suspension, hung up like a rod in terrorem, it would merit ridicule. What cause could there be for suspending it at present? Any negotiation pending? He believed not. If it were the understanding of a majority that the bill should not go into operation, he hoped they would propose a repeal of it.
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.