On motion, to add the following after section third:
“And be it further enacted, That two post roads shall be laid out, under the inspection of commissioners to be appointed by the President of the United States, one to lead from Tellico block-house, in the State of Tennessee, and the other from Jackson court-house, in the State of Georgia, by routes the most eligible, and as nearly direct as the nature of the ground will admit, to New Orleans.”
It passed in the affirmative--yeas 17, nays 10, as follows:
YEAS.--Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Maclay, Nicholas, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumter, Venable, and Worthington.
NAYS.--Messrs. Adams, Bradley, Hillhouse, Logan, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, Israel Smith, Tracy, and White.
And, sundry other amendments having been agreed to,
Resolved, That this bill do pass as amended.
Seat of Government.
The bill for the temporary removal of the seat of Government of the United States to the city of Baltimore was taken up for its second reading.
Mr. W. assigned as reasons for this motion, that it was not his intention in presenting the bill, that it should pass; but that it had been offered with the view of acting as a spur to the inhabitants of Washington to effect a more complete accommodation of Congress. He trusted and believed it would have that effect; and the operation of the postponement would, by hanging the bill over their heads, most powerfully tend to produce the desirable result of a concentration of the city, and an augmentation of accommodation.
Mr. JACKSON followed, and, in terms of appropriate energy, condemned the proposition of removal. He said he should not have believed, but for the express declaration of the gentleman from Maryland, that he would have brought forward a bill the sole object of which was to frighten the women and children of Washington. So far from the measure having the desired effect avowed by the gentleman, if it had any effect whatever, it would be to shake all confidence in the Government, to repress the very accommodation desired.
Mr. J. denied the moral right of Congress to remove the seat of Government; it had been fixed under the constitution, and without its violation could not be changed.
Such a measure would indicate a prostration of plighted faith; would destroy all confidence in the Government, from one end of the continent to the other.
Gentlemen, in favor of this measure, should know its cost. Already had the present seat of Government, in its origination and consequences, cost the nation the assumption of the State debts to the amount of twenty-one millions, and between one and two millions for public accommodation. Would gentlemen be willing not only to lose all that had been expended, but likewise to indemnify the proprietors in the city, whose assessed property amounted to two and a half millions of dollars, and the proprietors of property in the whole District, the amount of which he was unable to state?
Mr. J. concluded by saying, he should vote against the postponement, under the expectation that the Senate would take up the bill and reject it by a majority so great, that no similar proposition should ever again be brought before them.
Mr. ANDERSON declared himself hostile to the postponement, as he was in favor of the passage of the bill, under certain modifications. He considered Congress possessed the constitutional power of altering the seat of Government; and he believed, from an experience of the inconveniences attending the existing seat, it was their duty to change it. He allowed that, in such an event, an obligation would arise to indemnify the proprietors for the losses they would thereby sustain. This, however, he considered the lesser evil; as the sum required to make an indemnity would be less than that required for the improvements contemplated, and which are necessary to accommodate the Government.
Mr. COCKE declared himself decidedly inimical to the bill. The permanent seat of Government was fixed under the constitution, and the power did not belong to Congress to alter it.
Mr. ADAMS strenuously contended against the right of Congress to remove the seat of Government. To do so, would be to prostrate the national faith, and to shake the confidence of the nation in the Government. He considered the proposed measure as inexpedient as it was unconstitutional; as it tended directly to defeat the object of the mover.
Mr. S. SMITH said, he should vote in favor of the postponement, because he believed, if the bill were not postponed, it would consume more time than could, at this late period of the session, be spared, without a serious neglect of important business before Congress. He expressed his regret at its introduction.
The question was then taken on the motion of postponement, and decided in the negative--yeas 3, nays 24, as follows:
YEAS.--Messrs. I. Smith, S. Smith, and Wright.
NAYS.--Messrs. Adams, Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bradley, Breckenridge, Cocke, Dayton, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, Nicholas, Olcott, Pickering, Plumer, John Smith of Ohio, John Smith of New York, Stone, Sumter, Tracy, Venable, White, and Worthington.
The bill was then read a second time.
Mr. DAYTON said, he had been instructed by the Legislature of New Jersey, in case any prospect presented itself of a removal of the seat of Government, to offer, in their name, the public buildings in Trenton for their accommodation. He, therefore, gave notice that, in case the bill went to a third reading, he should produce his instructions, and move the substitution of Trenton in the room of Baltimore. At the same time, he was free to declare his opinion of the impolicy of the proposed measure. The provision of the constitution had arisen from an experience of the necessity of establishing a permanent seat for the Government. To avert the evils arising from a perpetual state of mutation, and from the agitation of the public mind whenever it is discussed, the constitution had wisely provided for the establishment of a permanent seat, vesting in Congress exclusive legislation over it. While he declared this as his creed, he begged it to be understood that there were, in his opinion, some rightful grounds of removal. There were four such, two of which were the following: if the place should be found a grave-yard for those who resided in it, or if the inconveniences of conducting the machine of government should be so great as to prevent the due transaction of the public business. For the existence of these, no fault could be attached to the District. If, therefore, a removal took place on their account, Congress were bound to indemnify the proprietors. There were two other grounds of removal, which would justify a removal without indemnity, as they would be the effect of the misconduct of the inhabitants of the District. These were, the evidence of a turbulent spirit, endangering the safety of Congress, and of a determined resolution, arising from a dissatisfaction which the Government or Congress expressed in favor of a recession.
When he stated these grounds for removal, Mr. D. said, it was not from any apprehension of their occurrence. On the contrary, he believed the Government in perfect safety, and he was convinced, if any hostile arm should be raised against it, the inhabitants of Columbia would be ready to shed their blood in its defence.
Nothing could exceed his surprise at the motives expressed by the gentleman from Maryland for bringing forward this measure. He should have expected, if the gentleman wished to promote the interests of the city, he would have imitated the example of the Athenians, who, in order to make a particular fund devoted to theatrical exhibitions sacred, had passed a law punishing with death any man who should move to divert it from its allotted purpose; and that the honorable gentleman, instead of bringing forward this bill, would have introduced one punishing with death the man who should move a change of the seat of Government; so that he who made the attempt might know that he did it with a halter around his neck.
Mr. MACLAY moved to strike out the words “Baltimore,” and “Maryland,” in the first section.
Motion agreed to--ayes 14, noes 10.
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.