Mr. ALSTON said he possessed little information with regard to the advantages or disadvantages that were likely to flow from building the number of gunboats that was proposed. He merely rose to ask the attention of gentlemen to the grounds taken at the last session. The building of gunboats had been instituted on the recommendation of the President made at the last session. Gentlemen would there find the reasons on which that system had been begun. They were not intended to be set afloat on the ocean, to commit depredation or attack vessels at sea, but as an aid and support to our fortifications, and to prevent an enemy from annoying our seaports. It was, he believed, the opinion of the House at the last session, that gunboats constituted the best system that could be devised for this purpose.
Mr. EARLY moved to postpone the further consideration of the resolution until this day week.
Mr. LLOYD said he should have no objection to the postponement, if he knew any mode of obtaining the information desired. It appeared that the committee had applied to the Secretary of the Navy, who ought to possess full information on the subject. What was his reply? Waiving altogether the expression of his own opinion, he merely confined himself to stating that the President thinks it expedient to build sixty additional gunboats. Whence, then, were they to get the information that was desired, to enable them to determine whether gunboats are a proper defence for the United States? They might apply to the President or the Secretary of the Navy, and get information from them that they think them necessary. Mr. L., however, said that he was of opinion that they ought to judge on this subject from what had already taken place. For himself he was free to declare that he was opposed to the gunboat system. He had carefully attended to the arguments of gentlemen, and to what did they amount? Have they adduced an argument to show their utility, or produced an instance to show where they have been useful? It has been said that their utility is established by the use made of them against Tripoli. But he would ask whether they would have been of any use if the vessels of Tripoli had left the shore? It was admitted that gunboats were not useful on the ocean. It was evident, then, that they were building a navy for a state of perfect calm; and were gentlemen disposed to expend millions for vessels that would be only useful under such circumstances?
Mr. MUMFORD.--The gentleman from North Carolina on my right, said that if any gentleman can show us any better mode of defence we shall be glad to hear it, and although I think it incumbent on him to show us the utility of gunboats, I will not detain the House but a few minutes to recommend what I conceive to be a far better mode of defence, I mean solid and durable fortifications that will last for ages, and block-ships similar to the draught now held in my hand, and which any gentleman may examine at his leisure if he chooses. Sir, the experience off Copenhagen is an evidence of their real utility. Witness the engagement with the British fleet and the Crown battery, (somewhat similar to the plan of Montalembert, recommended by me in debate yesterday,) and the block-ships. That fleet was actually silenced, and nothing saved the proud navy of old England on that memorable day but the game of flag of truce played off so successfully by the hero of Trafalgar; and when in order I shall move to adopt those block-ships in place of gunboats.
Mr. TALLMADGE said the question before the House had no connection with the defence of New York; it was a proposition for building gunboats. Having been on the select committee that brought in these resolutions, he thought it proper to state that there had not in that committee been a unanimous opinion in favor of gunboats. He was himself entirely hostile to the measure. He saw no necessity for adding to the number already built, or authorized to be erected. They had thirteen gunboats fit for service, and fifty-six would be soon launched. It would seem to him better to comport with the system of economy, in the first instance, to finish and prepare these fifty-six for service. No reason had been assigned for the additional sixty that had been proposed, but the mere opinion of the President. Mr. T. said he did not wish to call in question the high authority attached to the opinion of the President, but he would wish to know whether any naval officer had recommended gunboats as a proper defence for the country. He did believe there were some particular circumstances under which they would be useful, and under this impression he had hitherto voted. But when he saw nothing but gunboats called for, he was placed under the necessity of refusing to grant a single dollar. It appeared as if they were contemplated to be relied on as the exclusive defence of the United States, and as if it were intended to let the frigates rot. He was opposed to the postponement, as he did not see the probability of obtaining any useful information not already before the House.
The question was then taken on postponing the consideration of the resolution until Monday, which was carried--yeas 69.
THURSDAY, February 12.
Indiana--Suspension of the Anti-slavery Clause of the Ordinance of 1787.
Mr. PARKE, from the committee to whom was referred the letter of William Henry Harrison, Governor of the Indiana Territory, enclosing certain resolutions of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the said Territory, made the following report:
That the resolutions of the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Indiana Territory relate to a suspension, for the term of ten years, of the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories Northwest of the river Ohio, passed the 13th July, 1787. That article declares “there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory.”
The suspension of the said article would operate an immediate and essential benefit to the Territory, as emigration to it will be inconsiderable for many years, except from those States where slavery is tolerated; and although it is not considered expedient to force the population of the Territory, yet it is desirable to connect its scattered settlements, and, in regard to political rights, to place it on an equal footing with the different States. From the interior situation of the Territory, it is not believed that slaves would ever become so numerous as to endanger the internal peace or future prosperity of the country. The current of emigration flowing to the Western country, the Territories ought all to be opened to their introduction. The abstract question of liberty and slavery is not involved in the proposed measure, as slavery now exists to a considerable extent in different parts of the Union; it would not augment the number of slaves, but merely authorize the removal to Indiana of such as are held in bondage in the United States. If slavery is an evil, means ought to be devised to render it least dangerous to the community, and by which the hopeless situation of the slaves would be most ameliorated; and to accomplish these objects, no measure would be so effectual as the one proposed. The committee, therefore, respectfully submit to the House the following resolution:
Resolved, That it is expedient to suspend, from and after the 1st day of January, 1808, the sixth article of compact between the United States and the Territories and States Northwest of the river Ohio, passed the 13th day of July, 1787, for the term of ten years.
Referred to the consideration of the Committee of the Whole on Monday next.
FRIDAY, February 13.
Importation of Slaves.
The bill, sent from the Senate, entitled “An act to prohibit the importation of slaves into any port or place within the jurisdiction of the United States, from and after the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight,” together with the amendments agreed to yesterday, were read the third time; and, on the question that the same do pass, it was resolved in the affirmative--yeas 113, nays 5, as follows:
YEAS.--Evan Alexander, Isaac Anderson, John Archer, David Bard, Joseph Barker, Burwell Bassett, George M. Bedinger, William W. Bibb, Barnabas Bidwell, Phanuel Bishop, John Blake, jr., Thomas Blount, James M. Broom, Robert Brown, John Boyle, William A. Burwell, George W. Campbell, John Chandler, John Claiborne, Joseph Clay, Matt. Clay, George Clinton, jr., Frederick Conrad, Orchard Cook, Leonard Covington, Richard Cutts, Samuel W. Dana, Ezra Darby, John Davenport, jr., Elias Earle, Peter Early, James Elliot, Caleb Ellis, Ebenezer Elmer, Wm. Ely, John W. Eppes, William Findlay, James Fisk, Charles Goldsborough, Peterson Goodwyn, Andrew Gregg, Isaiah L. Green, Silas Halsey, John Hamilton, Seth Hastings, William Helms, David Holmes, John G. Jackson, Walter Jones, James Kelly, Thomas Kenan, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, Joseph Lewis, jr., Henry W. Livingston, Edward Lloyd, Matthew Lyon, Duncan MacFarland, Patrick Magruder, Robert Marion, Josiah Masters, William McCreery, David Meriwether, Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurdon S. Mumford, Jeremiah Nelson, Thomas Newton, jr., Gideon Olin, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Porter, John Pugh, Josiah Quincy, John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Jacob Richards, John Russell, Peter Sailly, Thomas Sammons, Thomas Sanford, Martin G. Schuneman, Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Richard Stanford, Joseph Stanton, William Stedman, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Sam’l Tenney, David Thomas, Thomas W. Thompson, Uri Tracy, Philip Van Cortlandt, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Joseph B. Varnum, Daniel C. Verplanck, Peleg Wadsworth, Matthew Walton, John Whitehill, Robert Whitehill, Eliphalet Wickes, Nathan Williams, Alex’r Wilson, Joseph Winston, Richard Wynn, and Thomas Wynns.
NAYS.--Silas Betton, Martin Chittenden, James M. Garnett, Abram Trigg, and David R. Williams.
MONDAY, February 16
Circuit Courts.
The bill sent from the Senate, entitled “An act establishing circuit courts in the district of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio,” together with the amendments agreed to on the thirteenth instant, were read a third time: Whereupon, the bill, with amendments, was recommitted to a Committee of the Whole this day.
The House, accordingly, resolved itself into the said committee; and, after some time spent therein, the bill and amendments were reported without amendment thereto.
The bill was then read the third time, and on the question that the same do pass? it was resolved in the affirmative--yeas 82, nays 7.
Lewis and Clarke.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill making compensation to Messieurs Lewis and Clarke, and their companions. The bill was reported with several amendments thereto; which were severally twice read, and agreed to by the House. The House proceeded further to amend the said bill: When an adjournment being called for, the House adjourned.
TUESDAY, February 17.
The Writ of Habeas Corpus.
The House proceeded to consider the motion of Mr. BROOM, of the seventh instant, and the same being read in the words following, to wit:
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.