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Part 153

Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16) · United States. Congress — chapter 153 of 283 · ~1,773 words · public domain

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Ordered, That a bill, or bills, be brought in, pursuant to the foregoing resolution; and that Mr. THOMPSON of Virginia, Mr. CAMPBELL of Maryland, Mr. LEWIS, Mr. MAGRUDER, and Mr. BUTLER, do prepare and bring in the same.

MONDAY, February 3.

A memorial of the merchants of the town of Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, was presented to the House and read, stating that they have witnessed, with mingled feelings of indignation towards the perpetrators, and of commiseration for their unfortunate countrymen, the insults and barbarities which the commerce of these States has sustained from the cruisers of France and Spain; but that it is their object, in the present memorial, to confine their animadversions to the more alarming, because more numerous and extensive detentions and condemnations of American vessels, by Great Britain, and to advert to the principles recently avowed and adopted by her courts, relative to neutral trade in articles of colonial produce: principles which, if admitted, or practised upon in all the latitude which may fairly be inferred to be intended, would be destructive of the navigation, and radically impair the most lucrative commerce of our country; and praying that such measures may be adopted, by negotiation, or otherwise, in the wisdom of the Government, as will tend to disembarrass our commerce, assert our rights, and support the dignity of the United States.--Referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Intercourse with Great Britain.

Mr. J. RANDOLPH said the House would recollect better than he did, for he was not present at the time, the very important resolution referred on the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. GREGG,) whom he saw in his place, to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. It was no part of his purpose at this time to discuss the merits of that resolution, and it was still further from his purpose to throw any impediment, or create any delay in bringing forward that discussion; the more so, as he considered the whole country south of the seat of Government, and more particularly that part of the country in which he resided, decidedly interested in a speedy and prompt reception or rejection of the proposition. Indeed, such was his opinion of the necessity of its being speedily acted upon, that as soon as he saw the resolution which had been offered, which was not until Friday, when it was laid on their table, the first suggestion of his mind was to move the going immediately into a Committee of the Whole on it; as those gentlemen with whom he had the honor of holding personal and political intercourse would testify. But a more mature reflection had convinced him that before the resolution could receive that ultimate decision which he trusted it would receive, the House stood in need of material information, which, however it might be in the possession of this or that individual, was not possessed by the body of the House. His object in addressing the House was to obtain this information from the proper authority, from the Head of a Department, which was the only way in which information of a satisfactory nature, such as ought to influence the decision of the House, ought to be obtained. Mr. R. then submitted the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House a statement of the exports and imports of the United States, to and from Great Britain and Ireland, and the American colonies of the same, for the two last years, distinguishing the colonial trade from that of the mother country, and specifying the various articles of export and import, with the amount of duties payable on the latter.

Mr. SMILIE expressed himself in favor of the resolution, and observed that the species of information called for, had not been received by the House later than 1803.

Mr. CROWNINSHIELD was of opinion that it would be best to extend the resolution so as to embrace the British Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and the provinces beyond the Cape of Good Hope.

A conversation of some length ensued between Messrs. CROWNINSHIELD, BIDWELL, and ALSTON, on the one side; and Messrs. J. RANDOLPH and J. CLAY, on the other, on amending the resolution. The former gentlemen were for amending the resolution so as to embrace a period of peace as well as war, and to obtain information from “all the dependencies of Great Britain,” which the latter gentlemen opposed on various grounds, one of which was, that if this additional information were desirable, it could be obtained by a distinct resolution.

On Mr. CROWNINSHIELD’s motion to amend the resolution, so as to extend it to “British dependencies,” generally, the House divided--ayes 43, noes 67.

Mr. NICHOLSON suggested the propriety of adding the following words to the resolution, in which the mover acquiescing, they were incorporated into it:

“And also a statement showing in detail the quantity and value of the like articles of import brought into the United States, from other nations respectively, with the rate and amount of duty thereon.”

The resolution, thus modified, was agreed to without a division.

Mr. CROWNINSHIELD then moved the following resolution. He said, in substance it was the same with the amendment which he had proposed to the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to lay before this House a statement of the amount of the exports and imports to and from the British dependencies, other than those of America, for the last two years.

This resolution was likewise agreed to without a division.

WEDNESDAY, February 5.

Non-Intercourse with Great Britain.

Mr. CLAY.--The gentleman from Massachusetts having laid on the table a resolution arising out of the present state of our foreign relations, and as that subject is one on which I think there cannot be too much deliberation before we act, or of which too many views cannot be taken, I will take the liberty of submitting some resolutions which I have drawn up, and to which I ask the attention of the House. In the present state of our relations with foreign powers, it appears to me that a system of commercial regulations, mild and yet firm, one which can be carried into permanent effect without much inconvenience to ourselves, will be more effectual than any temporary expedients. If we are disposed to adopt such a system, it will be looked upon by foreign nations as one in which we are likely to persevere. They will consider its probable effects in time of peace upon their colonial possessions, and they may be induced to enter into permanent regulations opening to us a trade with their colonies. The distinction attempted to be made between a war trade and an accustomed trade will be destroyed, and with it the only pretext upon which are founded the vexations and depredations committed on American commerce. The present is a favorable moment for the adoption of such a plan. At this time the ports of the belligerent powers are open, and the effect of the measures, which I am about to propose, will not have an immediate distressing effect upon the West Indies. If these measures are taken, the powers of Europe will find that, unless they admit our ships into their colonial ports in time of peace, the trade between their colonies and us will be cut off by a system which will be but slightly injurious to ourselves. I think, I repeat it, that a permanent system, mild but firm, will be more likely to induce Great Britain, in particular, to recede from the unjust pretensions she has set up, than more violent and extreme measures, which, from their very nature and their injurious consequences to ourselves, must be necessarily temporary.

Mr. C. concluded, with offering the following resolutions:

Resolved, That, after the ---- day of ---- next, no trade or intercourse in any ship or vessel owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of any foreign Government, shall be permitted between the United States or their Territories, and any port or place in the colonies or dominions of any European power, which trade or intercourse is not permanently permitted by the laws or regulations of such European power, to be carried on in ships or vessels of the United States.

Resolved, That, after the ---- day of ---- aforesaid, no goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be exported from the United States or their Territories, in any ship or vessel owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of any foreign Government, to any port or place in the colonies or dominions of any European power, the importation of which into such port or place, in ships or vessels of the United States, is not permanently permitted by the laws or regulations of such European power.

Resolved, That, after the ---- day of ---- aforesaid, no goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be imported into the United States or their Territories, in any ship or vessel owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of any foreign Government, from any port or place in the colonies or dominions of any European power, the exportation of which from such port or place, in ships or vessels of the United States, is not permanently permitted by the laws or regulations of such European power.

Resolved, That, after the ---- day of ---- aforesaid, no goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be imported into the United States, in any ship or vessel owned in whole or in part by any citizen or subject of any foreign Government, excepting articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the colonies or dominions of such foreign Government, unless such importation be expressly permitted by treaty between the United States and such foreign Government, or unless during a war in which the United States may be a party.

The House immediately considered these resolutions, and referred them to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Importation of Slaves.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill imposing a duty of ten dollars on every slave imported into the United States.

Mr. JACKSON offered a new section, the object of which was to prohibit the importation into the United States of all slaves, brought either from abroad or from any State, except, in the latter case, by citizens of the United States removing to a Territory, to settle therein.

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