Part 271

Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country; my anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are irresistibly excited, whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banner of freedom. But, above all, the events of the French Revolution have produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Wonderful people! Ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits! I rejoice that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a constitution designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm; liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized Government; a Government, which being formed to secure the happiness of the French people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the United States by its resemblance to their own. On these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations.

In delivering to you these sentiments, I express not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the French Revolution; and they will cordially join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens of our sister Republic, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that liberty which they have purchased at so great a price, and all the happiness which liberty can bestow.

I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisement of your nation--the Colors of France--which you have now presented to the United States. The transaction will be announced to Congress, and the Colors will be deposited with those archives of the United States, which are at once the evidences and the memorials of their freedom and independence. May these be perpetual, and may the friendship of the two Republics be commensurate with their existence.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

UNITED STATES, January 1, 1796.

When the reading of the Message and papers had been concluded--

Mr. GILES informed the House that, having been aware that the flag would be presented to the House this day, considering it as an additional testimony of the affection of France, and it having been the practice on analogous occasions for the House to express their sentiments independent of the other branch, he had prepared a resolution expressive of what he conceived would be their sense on the occasion. It was nearly in the words following:

"Resolved, That the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES be requested to make known to the Representatives of the French people, that this House has received, with the most lively sensibility, the communication of the Committee of Public Safety, of the 21st of October, 1794, accompanied with the Colors of the French Republic, and to assure them that the presentation of the Colors of France to the Congress of the United States is deemed a most honorable testimony of the existing sympathy and affections of the two Republics, founded upon their solid and reciprocal interests; that the House rejoices in the opportunity of congratulating the French Republic on the brilliant and glorious achievements accomplished under it during the present afflictive war, and that they hope those achievements will be attended with a perfect attainment of their object, the permanent establishment of the liberty and happiness of that great and magnanimous people."

Mr. PARKER moved an amendment as follows: "That this House has received with the most sincere and lively sensibility," &c. The amendment was for inserting the two words in italics, to which the House consented. The Message was then voted unanimously, and a thousand copies of the communications and resolution were ordered to be printed. A committee of two members was appointed to wait on the PRESIDENT, and inform him of the resolution agreed to by the House.

Case of Randall and Whitney.

Pursuant to the proceedings of the House on Friday last, Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, Mr. MURRAY, of Maryland, Mr. GILES, of Virginia, and Mr. BUCK, of Vermont, delivered in at the Clerk's table their several informations in writing, subscribed with their names, respectively, in the cases of Robert Randall and Charles Whitney; which are as follow:

Mr. MURRAY declares, that, on Wednesday last, the twenty-third instant, Mr. Smith, member of Congress, of South Carolina, informed him that a man of the name of Randall, of Maryland, had, the evening before, attempted to bribe him in Western lands, on condition of his supporting an application which Randall told him he should soon make to Congress; the object of which application was, a grant from Congress of from eighteen to twenty millions of acres of land, between Erie, Huron, and Michigan. That Mr. Smith was extremely solicitous that some other gentleman should immediately be informed of the infamous proposal, and that he said he would mention it to Mr. Henry, of the Senate, and advise with him upon proper measures for the detecting of the full extent of the scheme, and crushing it: That he had no opportunity of talking to Mr. Henry on that day; but early on the morning of the twenty-fourth instant, communicated the intelligence to Mr. Henry, who recommended that Mr. Smith should immediately inform the President: that on the said day, Mr. Randall, of Maryland, was introduced to him, the informant, and requested a confidential interview at his, the informant's lodgings, which the informant readily promised him, to be at five, for the purpose of developing his scheme. That Randall came at or near five, that day last named, to wit: on Thursday, and communicated to Mr. Henry and himself, in general terms, the outline of a plan by which he, Randall, and his Canada friends, would extinguish the Indian title to all the lands between Lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan, as marked on a map which Randall then showed, containing from eighteen to twenty millions of acres. That he, the informant, then asked Randall into his apartment, where they were alone. That Randall expatiated at first upon the public utility of his scheme, which was that Congress should grant to him and his company all the lands aforesaid mentioned, for five hundred thousand, or, at most one million of dollars; and that he would undertake, in four months, that the harmony of the Indians should be secured to the Union: or, if Congress thought proper, that the Indian tribes now on said land should be removed to the British side, or down Lake Michigan, reserving to some aged chiefs a few miles square; that his company and himself had determined to divide the lands aforesaid into forty (or forty-one) shares. That of these shares twenty-four were to be reserved for the disposal of himself and his partner, now in town, for such members of Congress as assisted them, by their abilities and votes, in obtaining the grant aforesaid. That of these twenty-four shares, his partner had twelve under his management for the Eastern members of Congress, and that he, Randall, had the other twelve shares under his management for the Southern members of Congress. That these shares were to be so divided as to accomplish the object by securing a majority of Congress. That the informant started an objection to land speculation as troublesome, and that he, Randall, said, if you (meaning the informant) do not choose to accept your share of the land, you shall have cash in hand for your share. That the informant appointed Randall to meet him in the lobby of the House, on Monday, the twenty-eighth instant. That Randall told him a memorial was to be handed in upon this subject on said Monday; but refused to inform the informant what member was to present it. That Randall told him, that he, Randall, mentioned his plan to some members in the general way only--meaning thereby, as he understood him, a view of the sounder part of the plan, as being conducive to public utility. That, in the early part of the confidential and secret conversation, Randall said, that the members of Congress who would behave handsomely, should come into their shares on the same terms upon which the company obtained the grant; but soon after, made proposals more openly seductive and corrupt; closing them with the offer of cash in hand as aforesaid. That the informant, on that evening, when Randall went away, told Mr. Henry of the whole of Randall's offers as aforesaid; then called on the Secretary of State, and communicated the same to him; and the next morning, early, informed the President of the transaction.

W. V. MURRAY.

DECEMBER 29, 1795.

It was then moved that Robert Randall should be brought to the bar of the House. He was brought in accordingly. Seats were placed for the Judge of the District of Pennsylvania, and the two counsellors for Randall, Mr. Lewis and Mr. Tilghman, jr. The informations given in by Mr. W. SMITH, Mr. MURRAY, and Mr. GILES, were read over, and the SPEAKER asked the prisoner, what he had to say in his defence? I am not guilty. You declare yourself not guilty? Yes. Have you any proof to cite that you are not guilty? No. Are you ready to answer?

Mr. Lewis then rose. He observed, that these declarations had been made in the absence of the prisoner, who, as he conceived, was entitled to have been present. His request was, that the informants might now be placed in a situation to be examined by the prisoner and his counsel, and that the information may now be given in the prisoner's hearing. The prisoner and his counsel were ordered to withdraw.

Mr. JEREMIAH SMITH made the following motion:

"That the prisoner be informed, that if he has any questions to propose to the informants, or other members of the House, he is at liberty to put them, (in the mode already prescribed,) and that they be sworn to answer such questions as shall be asked, and that the informants be sworn to the declarations just read."

The words in parenthesis were an amendment suggested by Mr. GILES. The resolution and amendment were adopted by the House, and the prisoner with his counsel were again brought to the bar. The resolution above stated was read to Randall.

Mr. W. SMITH, Mr. MURRAY, and Mr. GILES, were then sworn, standing up in their places: the oath being administered by the Judge.

Mr. Tilghman then observed on the delicate situation in which the counsel stood, with which they were strongly impressed. The high character of the gentlemen who stood forth in support of the accusation, gentlemen whom Mr. T. had known personally for many years, with the odious nature of the crime charged on the prisoner, embarrassed them considerably; as they had, however, been permitted by the House to appear in this business, they were bound in duty to do every thing consistent with a fair and honorable defence. If Mr. T. were to declare his own opinion of the conduct of the prisoner, it would be thus, that his behavior was highly improper and indelicate; but Mr. Randall denied having made any offer either of lands or money, as in fact he had none to give. The disposal of the lands depended entirely on the subsequent vote of Congress.

Mr. Lewis spoke a few words. The prisoner's defence was, that he denied any proposal of a corrupt nature. The members who favored the sale of the lands, were only to have their shares on the same terms, and on paying an equal share of the expenses, as the other partners.

Mr. W. SMITH was then examined upon that part of his information where he says, that those members who should be concerned with Randall, were to have shares of the lands. Mr. SMITH was asked whether the offer was that they were to be granted at an inferior rate? In reply, he understood it was to be on the same terms as other partners were to have them. Mr. GOODHUE proposed a query, whether the offer made by Mr. Randall was in order that Mr. SMITH might use his influence to forward the scheme in Congress? Mr. SMITH replied, that he certainly understood it so. The prisoner had all along referred to members of Congress, though he did not expressly name them. His phrase was, "for persons who would favor the scheme."

Mr. Tilghman then, through the SPEAKER, asked Mr. MURRAY whether he understood he was to pay for his share of land as the other associates or not?

Mr. MURRAY.--I understood him as is explained in the declaration. At first I understood, that the members who should assist in getting the thing through, might then retire to their homes, and when the scheme was in activity they might come in on the same terms as the original associates. But afterwards, I understood from Randall that I might have a share if I would accept of it, and this I understood from the whole tenor of the latter part of his conversation. The shares set apart were to be for acceptance as donations. I so understood him.

Mr. Tilghman.--Did he expressly say, that they were intended as donations, or did Mr. MURRAY collect this to be the man's meaning from a variety of circumstances?

Mr. MURRAY.--He did not say, if you will do so and so, I will give you so and so; his proposal, though more delicate, was as unequivocal as a direct offer. I so understood him.

Mr. HARPER asked Mr. MURRAY, whether Randall did not tell him, that if he did not like land, he should have money, and whether the money was not to be more than the value of the share of land?