Ordered, That a committee be appointed to prepare and bring in a bill to establish a uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States; and that Mr. GILES, Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, Mr. AMES, Mr. HARTLEY, Mr. HILLHOUSE, Mr. FITZSIMONS, and Mr. BOUDINOT, be the said committee.
MONDAY, December 16.
SAMUEL DEXTER, Junior, from Massachusetts, JOSHUA COIT and ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, from Connecticut, and RICHARD WINN, from South Carolina, appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats.
THURSDAY, December 19.
The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of State, accompanying a report on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries, made pursuant to a resolution of the House of the twenty-third of February, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one; which was read, and ordered to be committed to the Committee of the whole House, to whom are committed the confidential communications from the PRESIDENT respecting the measures which have been pursued for obtaining a recognition of the treaty between the United States and Morocco, and for the ransom of prisoners and establishment of peace with the Algerines.
FRIDAY, December 20.
WILLIAM HINDMAN, from Maryland, and SAMUEL GRIFFIN, from Virginia, appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats.
MONDAY, December 23.
ALEXANDER D. ORR, from Kentucky, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House.
THURSDAY, December 26.
A petition of Abram Trigg, of the State of Virginia, was presented to the House and read, complaining of an undue election and return of Francis Preston, to serve as a member of this House for the said State.
Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the Committee of Elections; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report the same, with their opinion thereon, to the House.
FRIDAY, December 27.
DANIEL HEISTER, from Pennsylvania, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House.
WEDNESDAY, January 1, 1794.
URIAH FORREST and THOMAS SPRIGG, from Maryland, appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats in the House.
THURSDAY, January 2.
ISAAC COLES, from Virginia, and WILLIAM BARRY GROVE, from North Carolina, appeared, produced their credentials, and took their seats in the House.
FRIDAY, January 3.
Commerce of the United States.
The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House on the Report of the Secretary of State on the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States in foreign countries.
Mr. MADISON, after some general observations on the report, entered into a more particular consideration of the subject. He remarked, that the commerce of the United States is not, at this day, on that respectable footing to which, from its nature and importance, it is entitled. He recurred to its situation previous to the adoption of the constitution, when conflicting systems prevailed in the different States. The then existing state of things gave rise to that Convention of Delegates from the different parts of the Union, who met to deliberate on some general principles for the regulation of commerce, which might be conducive, in their operation, to the general welfare, and that such measures should be adopted as would conciliate the friendship and good faith of those countries who were disposed to enter into the nearest commercial connections with us. But what has been the result of the system which has been pursued ever since? What is the present situation of our commerce? From the situation in which we find ourselves after four years' experiment, he observed, that it appeared incumbent on the United States to see whether they could not now take measures promotive of those objects for which the Government was in a great degree instituted. Measures of moderation, firmness, and decision, he was persuaded, were now necessary to be adopted, in order to narrow the sphere of our commerce with those nations who see proper not to meet us on terms of reciprocity.
Mr. M. then read the following resolutions:
Mr. M. took a general view of the probable effects which the adoption of something like the resolutions he had proposed, would produce. They would produce, respecting many articles imported, a competition which would enable countries who do not now supply us with those articles, to do it, and would increase the encouragement on such as we can produce within ourselves. We should also obtain an equitable share in carrying our own produce; we should enter into the field of competition on equal terms, and enjoy the actual benefit of advantages which nature and the spirit of our people entitle us to.
He adverted to the advantageous situation this country is entitled to stand in, considering the nature of our exports and returns. Our exports are bulky, and therefore must employ much shipping, which might be nearly all our own: our exports are chiefly necessaries of life, or raw materials, the food for the manufacturers of other nations. On the contrary, the chief of what we receive from other countries, we can either do without, or produce substitutes.
It is in the power of the United States, he conceived, by exerting her natural rights, without violating the rights, or even the equitable pretensions of other nations--by doing no more than most nations do for the protection of their interests, and much less than some, to make her interests respected; for, what we receive from other nations are but luxuries to us, which, if we choose to throw aside, we could deprive part of the manufacturers of those luxuries, of even bread, if we are forced to the contest of self-denial. This being the case, our country may make her enemies feel the extent of her power. We stand, with respect to the nation exporting those luxuries, in the relation of an opulent individual to the laborer, in producing the superfluities for his accommodation; the former can do without those luxuries, the consumption of which gives bread to the latter.
He did not propose, or wish that the United States should at present go so far in the line which his resolutions point to, as they might go. The extent to which the principles involved in those resolutions should be carried, will depend upon filling up the blanks. To go to the very extent of the principle immediately, might be inconvenient. He wished, only, that the Legislature should mark out the ground on which we think we can stand; perhaps it may produce the effect wished for, without unnecessary irritation; we need not at first go every length.
Another consideration would induce him, he said, to be moderate in filling up the blanks--not to wound public credit. He did not wish to risk any sensible diminution of the public revenue. He believed that if the blanks were filled with judgment, the diminution of the revenue, from a diminution in the quantity of imports, would be counterbalanced by the increase in the duties.
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, From 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16) · The Wunder Library — complete classics, free to read, with narration.