Part 84

Talleyrand says they have found an ébauche of Polignac's, telling Bourmont that his proposal that the money taken at Algiers should be given to the Legion of Honour could not be complied with, as the King intended to distribute it amongst his most faithful friends. They pretend they do not intend to make use of this because there is no proof of its having been sent; in fact they do not use it because it reflects credit on Bourmont.

Lord Rosslyn, with whom I walked as far as Pimlico Palace, showed me the Treasury list of the House of Commons. 311 decided friends and 189 enemies- that is 500; the remainder, consisting of moderate Tories, violent Tories, good and bad doubtfuls, as well as Huskissonians (the latter 13), are more likely to be against us than for us.

Rosslyn still hankers after a coalition, but reform has made it impossible. We might have had this time last year Sir J. Graham. We might even now have Palmerston, [Footnote: It appears from Lord Palmerston's published papers that this was an error. He had already determined to act with the Whigs, and not to take office without Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne. See Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 211.] but the Duke seems determined to go on as he is, Peel and all, even Bathurst, seem to have a correct view of the danger; but I see no flinching.

October 4.

Saw the Duke. Suggested that we must soon consider what should be done with respect to the China trade. If we were to give up the monopoly we had better do so at once, on the first day of the Session, with a good grace, and not make ourselves appear to do it with reluctance. The Duke said we must certainly consider it. Had I talked with the Chairs about it? I said no. I had thought it best to wait till the Cabinet had come to a decision as to what should be done. I had privately advised them to turn over in their minds the plan of the Company going on with the Government slightly varied, but without monopoly.

The Duke said he could not make up his mind without hearing first what the Chairs had to say. I observed that if they, that is Astell, thought the Government hesitated, they would certainly say they could not go on without monopoly. However, the Duke seemed to think it was impossible for the question to come before the Cabinet before we had talked with the Chairs. So I have asked him and Loch to meet at the Treasury at twelve on Monday.

I should like to see Tucker and Stuart, but I must do it privately, as I have no principle to go upon in consulting with individual Directors.

The Duke seems very reluctant to give up the monopoly, and to have very exaggerated ideas of the value of the Company's intervention.

He showed me a letter he had received from Molé, in which he takes a very moderate view of the Belgian question. Expresses the most earnest desire for peace, as war would place everywhere the two extreme principles in conflict. France will not interfere, neither can she suffer others to interfere, in the internal affairs of the Netherlands. He hopes to be able to arrange everything amicably.

A letter the Duke showed me from Rothschild's brother is still more satisfactory if the view taken in it be correct. He says France will, with England and the Allies, amicably settle the question; but she will not have to be excluded.

He mentions Leopold as a probable King of Belgium.

The Court of Turin [Footnote: The first French Republic had made a similar non-recognition a plea for seizing Savoy.] seems to be in a great fright because the French Government took huff at their not recognizing at once. They were afraid to do so till they heard what the great Powers did.

M. de la Tour says they can bring 60,000 or 90,000 men into the field, if Genoa is guarded for them by a fleet; but Genoa would require 14,000 men. On that place they must retreat.

The Spaniards seem to be going on well. They mean not to be empressés with their recognition, but are advised not to be the last.

There have been insurrections at Hanau, Swerin, and I know not where else. The Diet intend to vary the law of the Empire and to allow any neighbour, whose assistance may be asked, to give it at once.

The Emperor of Russia received General Athalia very graciously, but he keeps him waiting for his answer. Lieven professes himself well satisfied with our reasons for immediate recognition. So does Metternich. In fact they cannot do without us, and if we lead they must follow.

October 5.

Cabinet. Goulburn's Civil List. He transfers to the Consolidated Fund all the salaries heretofore partly paid by the Civil List, and in diplomacy there is a reduction of 28,000£ a year.

It is supposed there can be no reduction in the great departments in the article of tradesmen's bills, or in the Board of Works.

The King gives up the Droits [Footnote: 'Droits of Admiralty.'] without any compensation. This is all a loss to the privy purse.

It seems possible to reduce perspectively many officers in England and in Ireland who do not really contribute to the state of the crown. This, however, did not occur to Goulburn but to Peel.

The account of Liege is very bad indeed. Things there seem going on in the style of the French Revolution.

Nothing can be better than the account from France. They will be pleased by the letter read to them. All they feared was the attempt to exclude them from all concert in the settlement of Belgium. They think neither the King nor Prince Frederick can return to Brussels; but the Prince of Orange may, and this will, I think, be finally settled.

October 6.

Council at 2. Talleyrand was presented. He backed to the window and read a speech in which there were several erasures. He declared the determination of France to pursue the course so wisely followed by England of non- interference. He spoke of himself as 'Ministre d'une Royaute votée à l'unanimité.'

The King did not much like receiving him, and was a little nervous. To what Talleyrand said about noninterference the King answered it was a very good thing, especially when exercised de bonne foi. This he said by Aberdeen's advice.

I read the King of the Netherlands' letter. He asks distinctly for military assistance.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The Prince of Orange is gone to Antwerp. This the Duke thinks the very worst step that could have been taken; the only mistake the King has made. In fact the King was unwilling, and ever since the affair of Brussels there has been a coolness between the King and the Prince. The Duke fears the consequences of the Prince's going, because he is a man devoted to popularity-vain. The Duke and Talleyrand were talking about popularity. The Duke said those who loved it never loved it with moderation. Talleyrand said, 'Il n'y a jamais de modération, où il n'y a pas de goût--et il n'y a pas de gout dans l'amour de la popularité!' The Duke asked Talleyrand what sort of a man the Duke of Orleans was. 'Un Prince de l'Ecole normale.' Of the Queen he said, 'Elle est bonne femme, et surtout grande dame--c'est ce qu'il nous faut.'