PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL WAR ORDER NO. 1.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington, January 31, 1862.
Ordered, that all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomac, after providing safely for the defense of Washington, be formed into an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point upon the railroad southwest ward of what is known as Manassas Junction; all details to be in the discretion of the General in Chief, and the expedition to move before or on the 22d day of February next.
A. LINCOLN.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington City, February 11, 1862.
Ordered, That D.C. McCallum be, and he is hereby, appointed military director and superintendent of railroads in the United States, with authority to enter upon, take possession of, hold, and use all railroads, engines, cars, locomotives, equipments, appendages, and appurtenances that may be required for the transport of troops, arms, ammunition, and military supplies of the United States, and to do and perform all acts and things that may be necessary or proper to be done for the safe and speedy transport aforesaid.
By order of the President, Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States:
EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.
WAR DEPARTMENT, February 13, 1862.
Ordered, 1. That all applications to go south across the military lines of the United States be made to Major-General John A. Dix, commanding at Baltimore, who will grant or refuse the same at his discretion.
2. That all prisoners of war and other persons imprisoned by authority of any department of the Government who shall be released on parole or exchange shall report themselves immediately on their arrival at Baltimore to Major-General Dix and be subject to his direction while remaining in that city. Any failure to observe this order will be taken as a forfeiture of the parole or exchange.
The regulation heretofore existing which required passes across the military lines of the United States to be signed by the Secretary of State and countersigned by the General Commanding is rescinded.
By order of the President:
EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.
EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 1, RELATING TO POLITICAL PRISONERS.
WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington, February 14, 1862.
The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States, was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces superior in number to the standing Army of the United States.
Every department of the Government was paralyzed by treason. Defection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet, in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils or land or naval forces; commanding and other officers of the Army and in the Navy betrayed our councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.
Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection with all the States cut off.
Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal political combinations and secret societies were formed furthering the work of disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men, money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals, military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or abandoned to the insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the Government, but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations.
The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain itself.
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